fl-H-S.

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THE

RISE AND FALL

ROME PAPAL.

BY ROBERT FLEMING.

Reprinted from the first edition in 1701,

WITH NOTES, PREFACE, AND A MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.

NEW EDITION.

LOND ON:

HOULSTON & STONEMAN, PATERNOSTER ROW ;
J. F. SHAW, SOUTHAMPTON ROW; J. H. JACKSON, ISLINGTON.

1848.

I.UNTLEY AND EASON,

PRINTERS,
NEW BROAD STREET COURT, LONDON.

PREFACE.

WANT of discernment of the signs of the times is repro
bated as folly by the highest authority. When, how
ever, a Revelation has been given, expressly to show the
" things which must shortly come to pass," such folly is
more culpable. Especially at such a time as this, when
the crises of nations are impending when the modern
landmarks have been swept away, yet the beacons of his
tory are not adapted for our guidance ; when the whole
political horizon is dark and lowering, yet the stout
hearted are perplexed and dismayed ; when gloom and
doubt and boding fear pervade society, yet the impulse
of progress is everywhere prevalent we shall do well to
take heed to our sure word of prophecy, " as unto a light
that shineth in a dark place." If any man despise this
illumination, let him ponder the import of the Apostle's
statement, that when he heard none answer to the pro
clamation in heaven, " Who is worthy to take the book,
and to loose the seals thereof? " he wept much ; but when
" the Lamb in the midst of the throne " had taken it,
fresh adoration and a new song celebrated His worthy
triumph.

PREFACE.

In common with other words of prophecy, with those
especially which are written in symbolic characters, the
precise meaning of the Apocalypse is not patent to every
reader; but is rather covered from the unlearned, the
sceptical, and the disobedient. Many and profound have
been the investigations in this field; though but few
divines have succeeded, with true instinct, in tracking the
precious vein, and unearthing the hidden treasure. The
author of the following Discourse has been eminently
successful in this way ; and as he has long since passed
on to receive his reward, it devolves upon us, who come
after him, to summon our neighbours to rejoice over the
recovered riches he has left us. For, though his disco
veries were made nearly a century and a half ago, the
lapse of time, instead of tarnishing their lustre, has
served but to illustrate their value. The time is come,
when they must be subjected to a more rigorous assay ;
and as they have endured the test so far, they are now
brought forth for fresh circulation.

This publication has already demonstrated, that the
Divine Eevelation has not always been a dark enigma
till its interpretation by events had in some measure
lessened its value. If, however, the author's conjectures
be not further established, we may at least obtain, from
his sketch of fulfilled prophecy, interesting illustration of
"the rectorship of the Lord Jesus in governing the
world, overruling and disposing the designs of men.'
And if the Book of Eevelation does not acquaint us with
the exact times and seasons, its grand argument may
still prove confirming to our faith, while we wait, as

PREFACE. V

watchful servants, the further manifestation of Him who
is its Alpha and Omega, " the blessed and only Potentate,
the King of kings, and Lord of lords."

The principal object of this Discourse is to give a new
resolution to the grand apocalyptical question concerning
the rise and fall of the great Antichrist, or Rome Papal.
Mr. Fleming supposes its rise to be announced by the
sounding of the fifth trumpet ; the consequent fall of the
star from heaven being an emblem of the departure of
the bishop of Eome from the spiritual heaven of his
primitive glory and purity. This first rise of Antichrist
he dates in A.D. 606, when the pope first received the
title of supreme and universal bishop ; from which he
computes that his reign of 1260 prophetic years' duration,
will expire in the present year, 1848. But, as he reck
ons its full rise did not take place till 758, when the pope
was first invested with independent temporal authority,
he supposes it will continue to exist till the year 2000,
though in a greatly weakened state. He regards its
fall to be proclaimed by the sounding of the seventh
trumpet, and symbolized by the outpouring of the seven
vials ; which he interprets on this principle " that see
ing the vials do suppose a struggle or war between the
popish and reformed parties, every vial is to be looked
upon as the event and conclusion of some new periodical
attack of that first party upon this other ; the issue of
which proves at length favourable to the latter against
the former." He therefore supposes the event prefigured
by the outpouring of the first vial upon the earth, to be
the beginning of the Reformation, as the temporalities of

vi PREFACE.

the Bomish church were so greatly affected thereby.
He considers the period in which he writes (1700), to be
that of the fourth vial, poured out upon the sun, as the
type of the French monarchy ; which period would close
about the year 1794. The French monarchy itself, he
says, "at least before the year 1794," may be consider
ably humbled, and the king be forced to acknowledge
himself unequal to each of the neighbouring potentates.
The fifth vial, poured out upon " the seat (or throne) of
the beast," he conjectures to be a judgment upon the
papal power, extending from 1794 to 1848, the effect
of which " is to ruin his authority," so that the present
year is " the final period of papal usurpations."

The signal confirmation which these " guesses," as the
author modestly terms them, as to the periods of then
future judgments, have received, requires little comment.
That regarding the fourth vial has been verified to the
letter. The recent overthrow of the French monarchy
may be regarded as confirming the sentence formerly
pronounced against it ; and is, perhaps, designed to show
the futility of human efforts to reverse a Divine decree.
For it seems as if, in the thrice-subverted throne of the
French monarch, were fulfilling the word concerning the
profane prince of Israel : " Eemove the diadem, and take
off the crown : this shall not be the same : exalt him
that is low, and abase him that is high. I will overturn,
overturn, overturn it ; and it shall be no more, till he
come whose right it is ; and I will give it him."

Mr. Fleming's conjecture regarding the fifth vial, the
period of which is just expiring, is not less remarkable.

PREFACE. Vll

The expulsion of monastic orders from many catholic
countries, particularly the recent dispersion of the Jesuits
at Rome ; the political schism which the pope has made
in southern Europe, and the consequent division of his
kingdom against itself; his surrender of despotic power
in temporal affairs, and his willingness to renounce all his
secular authority ; and his inability to stem the popular
current, though it dash him against the chief bulwarks of
his hierarchy ; these and other events that already cast
their shadows across the present year, will form a fitting
conclusion to the judgments which have visited the
Roman Antichrist during the last half century. The con
trast between the present state of the papacy and its con
dition little more than fifty years ago, is already such as
to enforce the exclamation, "How art thou fallen!"

It may be, however, that we now perceive only " the
beginning of the end : " for as the " event," according to
our author, of this vial was ushered in by the first French
revolution, so its " conclusion " is accompanied by the
second ; and we cannot yet determine the effect of this
repeated shock. The throne of the beast, upheaved
from its old foundations by the convulsions which shook
the earth in 1794, seems now rocking to its fall, and
may yet be laid in ruins ere this year runs out.

Mr, Fleming's remark upon the former vial, that it is
extraordinary that the power upon whom it is poured
out " should yet be made the executor of the judgment
of it upon others," will be still more exemplified if we
note that the late shaking of the thrones of Europe
received its first impulse from Rome. This may be the

Vlll PREFACE.

order indicated by the symbol : for the " angel poured
out his vial upon the seat of the beast, and his kingdom
was full of darkness." The present pope, in removing
some of the incrustations of local tyranny, has given
fresh vent to a slumbering volcano ; and the destructive
torrent, with its accompanying darkness, has rolled down
the seven hills, and overwhelmed the chief provinces of
his kingdom.

The general antagonism of the catholic clergy through
out Europe to the secular authorities, is also strongly
suggestive of that time when the kings of the earth, who
formerly gave their power and strength to Eome, shall
hate and desolate and destroy her.

The next sign displayed in heaven is the outpouring
of the sixth vial upon the great river Euphrates. This
Mr. Fleming interprets to signify the ensuing judgment
upon the Mohammedan Antichrist ; and the drying up
of the waters as emblematic of the exhaustion and de
struction of the Turkish empire, " as the means and way
to prepare and dispose the Eastern kings and kingdoms
to renounce their heathenish and Mahommedan errors,
in order to their receiving and embracing Christianity."
There are plain indications of the probable concurrence
of coming events with this conjecture. The Turkish
power, indeed, came in like a flood, but has long ceased
to flow ; it is now in a state of stagnation, and a rapid
ebb may result from the least disturbance of its borders.
A significant and cheering omen of the good that might
be deposited by its exhaustion has just appeared on the

PREFACE. IX

surface : this very year the sultan has legalized Protes
tantism throughout his dominions.

The correlative signification which Mr. Fleming gives
to the fifth trumpet and fifth vial, and the sixth trumpet
and sixth vial, is worthy of note. As he supposes the
former to represent the rise and fall of the Papal, and the
latter those of the Mohammedan Antichrist, so he appre
hends the one will not long survive the other. There is
further ground for hope, therefore, that these twin powers
of darkness, so full of years and iniquities, may speedily
be consigned together to the pit of destruction.

Mr. Fleming's conjecture that the unclean spirits sent
out by the beast and the false prophet, represent the
emissaries of the remains of the polity and church of
Eome, w r ho will persuade many of the Eastern nations,
leaving Mohammedanism and heathenism, " to fall in with
their idolatrous and spurious Christianity, rather than
with the true Reformed doctrine," relates to a mystery
of iniquity which, we must mournfully admit, " doth
already work."

Due emphasis is given by the author to the warning
voice which here and elsewhere interrupts the series of
apocalyptic symbols, calling upon the saints to be sepa
rate from the unclean. That this is addressed to many
belonging to other communities than the mystic Babylon,
appears from her fearful designation, " Mother of harlots
and abominations of the earth." Thus separated, it is
the confidence of the servants of God, amid the earth
quakes and tempests which wrack this lower world, to

X PREFACE.

look up to the vista opened into the heavenly temple by
the departure of the destroying angels, and behold " the
ark of His testament" abiding in a secure sanctuary.
With this token that they are the subjects of a kingdom
that cannot be moved, they can even rejoice that these
judgments are made manifest ; for thus the inhabitants
of the earth will leam righteousness, and at length be
prepared to echo that shout of the loyal above, "Alleluia ;
for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth."

The remaining subjects of Mr. Fleming's speculations,
referring to more remote periods, are likewise full of in
terest. The complete destruction of Antichrist, upon the
seventh angel pouring out the last vial of wrath, which
is described in language so terrific and sublime as to
confound the imagination of man, he supposes will be
consummated about the year 2000. His conjectures
concerning the sabbatical millennium the final apos-
tacy and the judgment day, of a thousand years' dur
ation evidence great sobriety and comprehensiveness of
view. The practical character, too, of his Discourse is
not its least recommendation, according well with the
benediction, "Blessed is he that readeth, and they which
hear the words of this prophecy, and keep those things
which are written therein ; for the time is at hand."

September, 1848.

MEMOIR.

THE author of this Discourse enjoyed the privilege of
being of the generation of the tipright. His grand
father, James Fleming, was minister of the parish of
Tester, in East Lothian, in the early part of the seven
teenth century. His father, Eobert Fleming, born 1630,
was likewise devoted to the ministry of reconciliation,
and was appointed to the oversight of the church at Cam-
buslang, Clydesdale, in his twenty-third year. Here
he continued till the Eestoration : shortly after which,
" the king stretched forth his hand to vex certain of the
church." Together with four hundred of the most
faithful ministers of Scotland, he was ejected from his
living by the operation of the Glasgow Act. He then
retired to Edinburgh with his seven children, giving up
all, that he might follow his Lord fully according to the
dictates of his own conscience. He remained in quiet
in that city in 1673, when in consequence of his non-
appearance to a citation for the ejected ministers to receive
sentence, he was imprisoned in the Tolbooth. Soon
j after Bothwell battle, he was liberated, and retired to
Holland. He was there invited to take charge of the
Scots church at Rotterdam, formerly under the care of
the celebrated Mr. Brown. During his residence there
he published several valuable theological works, particu
larly " The Fulfilling of the Scripture," noticed in the
Discourse, and held in high estimation by divines of the
seventeenth century. It seems to have exercised a
powerful influence in engaging his son to carry forward
the interpretation of the Living Oracles. He was intimate

xii MEMOIR OF

with the Prince of Orange, whom he occasionally came
to London to visit, after the Revolution. It was on one
of these occasions that he was attacked by his last
illness, in 1694, and died in the sixty-fourth year of his
age, in the faith and in full assurance of hope.

These particulars respecting his father will show the
circumstances and discipline under whose plastic influ
ence our author's character was developed. From the
way in which he was trained, it will be seen he did not
depart ; and so nearly did his course follow his father's
as completely to fulfil the promise, "Instead of the
fathers shall be the children."

Robert Fleming, Jun., was born at Cambuslang, and
after the settlement of his father in Holland, he, and
the rest of the family repaired thither, their mother
having been previously removed to the eternal state.

From a child he knew the Holy Scriptures, and exer
cised himself daily in meditation, singing, and prayer.
To avoid observation, he chose the most retired places ;
and at this period kept a diary of his experience, which
he always modestly concealed. At thirteen years of
age he joined himself to the Lord in a solemn covenant,
which he frequently and conscientiously renewed. This
yielded him relief and comfort under doubts and fears,
and while these served to keep him humble, he was
at other times favoured with the most delightful assurance
of his pardon and favour with God. He felt an earnest
concern to serve his generation in the way best according
with the will of God ; and was at length persuaded that
he ought to devote himself to the gospel ministry. In
this he was sustained, though, like Luther, he was strongly
tempted by apprehensions of his own insufficiency. In
his passage to Holland, when a tempest arose, and the
master and mariners had no prospect but sudden death,
upon crying to God his mind was calmed by the persua
sion that he would be delivered from that peril, and

ROBERT FLEMING. Xlll

preserved for the ministry of the gospel ; and though he
suffered much from bodily infirmity through life, he was
never shaken from his purpose.

His early education was conducted at a school near
Edinburgh, kept by Mr. John Sinclair, a minister of
eminence, and brother-in-law to his father ; but on his
removal to the Continent, his studies were conducted at
the Universities of Leyden and Utrecht upon a method
peculiar to himself. Instead of resting satisfied, like his
fellow students, with the lectures of professors and the
various digests and compounds of schoolmen, he resolved
not to determine any controverted point without well
considering all that had been urged on both sides of the :
question. This laborious undertaking of seeking truth
among the endless entanglements of disputation, while
it strengthened his power of investigation, and taught
him the important lesson of charity towards dissenters
from his own opinions, seeing the great diversity of mental
constitution, seems to have involved him in perplexity.
He says, "I must own that I was frequently nonplussed,
and rendered pendulous and doubtful what to think and
believe in several cases. I lamented my own weakness,
and want of acuteness and penetration, in comparison of
others who were as confident in their opinion of the most
difficult things as if they had been the most facile."

He took great delight in classic lore. Speaking of the
heathen writers, he says, " Sometimes I could not but
admire the greatness of soul that appeared in some under
the greatest disadvantages. And some things, like the
pedestals, rests, and remains of noble edifices, seemed to
give a greater idea of a lost work, through the mossy
lawn with which it was overspread, than the work itself 1 ,
if perfect, would perhaps have afforded us ; but the rays
of light, which now and then darted through the closest
thickets of error, though, as it were, tinged with cloudy
vapours, and blended with offensive exhalations, afforded

XIV MEMOIR OF

variety of pleasure and satisfaction, as discovering their
just, original, and ultimate design.

The works of the fathers of the Christian church, and
the Rabbinical writings, engaged his attention still more,
as he was occupied in tracing to their very source the
various branches of scholastic theology. No wonder
that after experiencing disappointment in his search for,
certain truth in human teaching, he returned with quick
ened zest to the wonderful testimonies of the Divine
word, by which he was made wiser than his teachers,
and understood more than the ancients. His experience
is best given in his own language : " But when I had
taken all this pains, and run round in this mental survey
of learning, I began not only to tire and grow uneasy,
but disrelish, and in some sort nauseate, all human
writings. I found that there was no end in reading as
well as in writing books, and that much study was a
weariness to the flesh nay, that vanity and vexation of
spirit were themselves entailed upon this, as well as upon
all other things that the children of Adam busied them
selves about. I resolved, therefore, to betake myself for
the future to the study of the Sacred Volume alone, as
my main business, and to make no other use of other
books than as they might become subservient to me in
the understanding and improvement of the same. For I
may say truly, with David, that I easily see the end of
all human perfection, but that the law of God was ex
ceeding broad, as appearing still greater and greater the
more it was searched into and understood."

After this preparation he was set apart for the work of
the ministry by some refugee ministers of the Church of
Scotland at that time at Rotterdam, but without being
appointed to any particular charge. His views of the
qualifications of a Christian bishop are thus expressed
in a discourse, which he afterwards preached: " A true
gospel-minister is one, who is, through grace, and by

ROBERT FLEMING. XV

education and diligence, qualified, in some measure, for
his great work, and is therefore studious to be and act
as a man, scholar, and Christian, that he may become an
able minister of the New Testament. He is a man as
to a sufficient measure of gifts natural ; a scholar as to
gifts acquired by study and pains ; and a Christian as to
'grace, experience, and piety. Yet he takes not upon
him the ministerial office of himself, but looks up to God
both for his inward and outward providential call ; and
in order to full satisfaction this way, submits himself to
those whose work it is to try, examine, ordain, and send
forth others to serve Christ in the gospel."

Soon after his ordination he went to England as
chaplain to a private family, and resided there about
four years. On his return to Holland in 1692, he
accepted an invitation from the English Presbyterian
Church at Leyden, to become their pastor. He remained
with them till his father's death in 1694, when the
Church of Rotterdam urgently solicited him to succeed
his father in the oversight of that flock. Much objection
was made to this by his people at Leyden, and a long
and earnest correspondence ensued between the churches.
At length, in the following year, it was agreed that he
should remove to Rotterdam, promising to visit statedly
the Church at Leyden, to minister holy things.

After he had been settled little more than three years,
during which his work had been greatly prospered, he
was again urged to remove. The Scottish Church
assembling in Founder's Hall, Lothbury, London, were
desirous of obtaining a successor to their pastor, Mr.
Nicholas Blaikie, whose infirmities and advanced age
had disabled him from active service. Both minister and
people concurred in the choice of Mr. Robert Fleming,
which was further commended by the desire of King
William, (who had been acquainted with Fleming on the
Continent,) that he should remove to London. He

XVI MEMOIR OP

therefore entered upon the pastoral office at Founder's
Hall, June 19th, 1698.

During his ministry here he appears to have gained
the affection of his people, the esteem of good ministers
in the establishment and among nonconformists, and the
confidence of his sovereign, in no ordinary degree. The
king frequently consulted him on the affairs of his native
country ; but such was his modesty and prudence, that
he desired, whenever he was called to court, that it might
be in the greatest privacy. The Archbishop of Canter
bury, Dr. Tillotson, honoured him with his friendship,
and at the request of his dissenting brethren he took part
in the Merchant's Lecture at Salter's Hall, one of their
most honourable appointments. The mutual attachment
between himself and his church may be inferred from his
refusing the offer of his relative, Lord Carmichael, to
appoint him Principal of the College of Glasgow.

The threatening aspect of public affairs deeply affected
his susceptible mind. Hence he was frequently trem
bling at the fearful judgments denounced against sinful
nations, and at the Providence which seemed to be
bringing them upon England and Europe. "He was
earnestly bent, through the grace of God, upon saving
both himself and those who heard him, if it might be
from temporal, as well as eternal misery, and therefore
vehemently concerned to stir up himself, and all he could,
to humble and reform themselves, and cry mightily to
God, who of his infinite mercy was entreated to avert im
pending ruin."* His view of the crisis then impending,
may be seen in his sermon, entitled, " The Eod or the
Sword," published in 1693, in which he states as a
dilemma, whether that judgment was designed as a father
ly chastisement or as the stroke of avenging justice.
Upon the whole, however, he inclined to think that God

* Dr. OldfielcTs Funeral Sermon.

ROBERT FLEMING. XVU

" may punish us, and our confederates, by the French,
and make them for some time victorious, to our grief, vex
ation, and affliction. And yet I am hopeful, that when
he has performed his whole work upon Mount Zion, he
will bring down the glory of that proud king,* and lay
it in the dust, to the eclipsing of that fiery scorching sun
of the Popish world."

The very critical circumstances of his times should be
borne in mind, when his recommendation of the prosecu
tion of the war with France in the following discourse is
considered. A great deliverance had been wrought from
antichristian tyranny by the sword of William III., while
the continued machinations of popish adversaries rendered
it necessary still to oppose force to force. In these times
we are hardly competent to condemn the conduct of our
fathers in those days ; as it would ill become those who
found Zion built and Jerusalem a quiet habitation, to
find fault with their fathers who built its walls in trou
blous times, with their swords girt about them, wherewith
they oft had to repel their envious and malignant foes.

Mr. Fleming published this Discourse in 1701, in the
same earnest and devout, yet humble spirit which cha
racterized ah 1 his productions. The prescience, with which
the fulfilment of its predictions has proved him to have
been gifted, was not confined to this subject. The pre
monitions he received of dangers and deliverances, of the
death of his father and other friends, as also of events of
a more public nature, are evidences, says Dr. Oldfield,
u that God imparted his secrets to him." It may be in
structive to observe, upon his excellent character, that the
humble, loving, and upright are those whom God delights
to honour with the revelation of his will. It was the
"man greatly beloved," under the old dispensation,
and the "beloved disciple," under the new, who were

* Louis XIV.

XV111 MEMOIR OF

favoured with the most definite unfolding of the Divine
purposes.

On the other hand, the blindness of those who obey
not the doctrine according to godliness, which especially
characterizes the adherents of the Romish church, should
also be remarked, as verifying the sentence, " None of
the wicked shall understand, but the wise shall under
stand."

In 1793, when Louis XYI. was about to suffer on the
scaffold, the predictions of Fleming were recalled to
memory, and several editions of his Discourses were
published in England and America. Much interest was
excited by his views of the design and tendency of the
overthrow of the French monarchy, and it is asserted
that they formed a powerful argument, in the hands of
the liberal party, against the Avar upon which Britain
was about entering with the French republic. The
warning volume has been since forgotten, till the recur
rence of convulsions on the Continent has suggested the
inquiry, "What shall be the end of these things?"
The same wise and dispassionate expositor appears to
interpret rightly the Eevelation concerning this time
also ; and his Discourse is therefore republished, in
accordance with his expressed desire, that he might
thereby "speak to succeeding generations also." Per
haps it may not be again neglected, till " the mystery
of God be finished, as he hath declared to his servants
the prophets."

His largest work was entitled " Christology," published
in 1705-8, a very comprehensive and erudite book, of
which there is not room even to present an outline here ;
and his other publications are too many to enumerate.

Zeal for God's house seems to have consumed him
at last. His deep concern for the Protestant interest,
his sympathy with the victims of popish persecution, his
foresight of threatening dangers, weighed down his

ROBERT FLEMING. XIX

spirits, and undermined his naturally weak constitution.
Like the prophet Daniel, he was so " astonished at the
vision" of the growth of Roman power, that he "fainted
and was sick certain days." After a partial recovery he
went to Holland to visit his old friends and improve his
health. He opened a correspondence with some leading
men of the States ; and seems to have rendered them
some service as a negociator with this country, owing to
his intimacy with Lord Somers and other distinguished
persons. He was thus invigorated for a time ; but the
clouds returned upon the political horizon, and Fleming
was again cast down, by his apprehension of the re
storation of the Stuart family. Upon the accession of
George I., he recovered new life and spirits ; but soon
after, the unsubdued spirit of rebellion and distraction
once more disturbed his peace, and grief for the loss of
some valued friends and patriots further prostrated his
strength, so that he sunk under his malady.

His end, however, was emphatically peace. In one of
his last sermons, he was observed, when speaking of eter
nal life, to rise with his theme, and enjoy the prelibation
of that pure river proceeding out of the throne of God
and of the Lamb. Upon the approach of death, he sum
moned his children, but could not muster strength to speak
to them ; and his congregation had appointed a day for
supplication on his behalf, but before it arrived he was
taken to his rest. He died May 21st, 1716, not long
after the great object of his apprehension, Louis XIV., had
been called to the final account, and just when he had
predicted that the time to favour Zion should come by the
humiliation of her chief adversary. But though he may
be numbered with the righteous men of old who desired
to see these times and saw them not, we may suppose
him to enjoy the consolation he suggests in his funeral
sermon for his beloved monarch, as a paraphrase of his
text, " Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord."

XX MEMOIR OF ROBERT FLEMING.

" Be not troubled, O my faithful servants, though it be
your lot to live in the times of Antichrist, and to fall
also by the hands of that cruel enemy. For ye shall be as
happy as those that are to live afterwards in the glorious
earthly millennium : for while they enjoy theirs on earth,
ye enjoy yours in paradise, in a more perfect state than
any here on earth can be : for I give you my promise and
assurance from heaven, that your glory and felicity shall
not be delayed till the time of the general resurrection.
No, no ; I say it, and the Holy Spirit shall confirm what
I say, that all those shall be blessed that die in the Lord,
from henceforth."

His funeral sermon was preached by Dr. Joshua
Oldfield, from 2 Kings, ii. 14 : " Where is the Lord God
of Elijah?"

INDEX.

THE Author's Reasons for printing the following Discourse, and
why he addresses this Discourse to all his Friends, &c. p. 25.

Which yet he appropriates to the Society he is now related to.
p. 26.

To whom he 1 . Gives an account of the importance of the truths
he has hitherto discoursed of to them, p. 27.

2. Of his design to promote our common Christianity ; and of
the concern he is under, upon the account of the differences and
contentions of Protestants, p. 28.

3. And of the reason of his dissent from the Church of England,
and why he toucheth now upon this subject. With an account of
our danger from intestine quarrels at this time, p. 29 33.

Our entering upon a New Year and Age, gives occasion to con
sider Futurity here, p. 35.

Therefore the Author proceeds to consider the grand Apocalyp
tical question concerning the Rise of the Papal Antichrist, in order
to a designed improvement of it, both theoretical and practical.
p. 36.

And 1. He gives the reader a new resolution of the question
concerning the rise, and consequently the fall of Rome papal.

Some postulata premised, p. 37.

And two preliminary considerations likewise. The 1st. That
the three apocalyptical numbers of 1260 days, 42 months, and
time, times, and a half, are synchronical, and must be interpreted
prophetically, p. 37 40.

The 2nd. That we must reduce the prophetical years to Julian
or ordinary ones, p. 41 43.

The disquisition itself, concerning the sera of the reign of the
apocalyptical beast. Where it is proved, that though the rise of
the papal Antichrist was, in some measure, in the days of Phocas,
A.D. 606, yet this was not completed until the time of Pepiri, in
the year 758, p. 4349.

The total destruction therefore of the Papacy will not happen
before the year 2000, p. 49 50.

II. An improvement of the precedent resolution of the question
concerning Antichrist's rise and fall, p. 51.

And 1st. A theoretical improvement of it, with respect to the
unriddling the apocalyptical times and periods* p. 51.

22 INDEX.

A. general account of the connexion of the three septenaries of
seals, trumpets, and vials, p. 52.

The (1) septenary of seals considered particularly, p. 52.

The (2) septenary of trumpets considered particularly, p. 55.

The three woe-trumpets, p. 57.

A. particular account of the general slaughter, unburied state, and
rising again of the witnesses, p. 63 68.

The 7th trumpet and 3rd woe, p. 68.

The (3) septenary of vials, p. 68.

Preliminaries towards the understanding of these, p. 69.

The 4th vial, under which period we now are, p. 72.

Conjectures concerning the 5th vial, p. 81.

Conjectures concerning the 6th and 7th vials ; and particularly
concerning the last decisive Battle and Place of Armageddon, p. 82
85.

Some things hinted by way of conclusion to the preceding dis
quisition, and theoretical improvement of it, p. 86.

The 2d improvement of the resolution of the former question, by
way of practical observations, p. 86.

(1.) Observation That this prophecy of the Revelation tends
much to confirm our faith, as to the truth of Christianity, p. 87
90.

(2.) Observation That it gives us a noble representation of
Providence and Christ's government of the world, p. 90.

(3.) Observation That we may from hence see what of this
prophecy is fulfilled, and what not, p. 91.

Under which, besides other things, an account is given of the
Millennium, and of the conversion of the Jews, p. 93.

Together with a new conjectural account of the last numbers of
Daniel, and of the 14th chapter of the Revelation, p. 95 98.

As also how we are to understand the account given of the New
Jerusalem, c., p. 98100.

(4.) Observation That our Reformers did desert the Church of
Rome upon just grounds, p. 100.

Where there is given a fair and impartial prospect of Popery, as
it is set out in the Creed of Pope Pius the IVth, p. 101103.

(5.) Observation That seeing death is to us the equivalent of
the Millennium and Day of Judgment, if we be so happy as to reach
heaven : that therefore we are to be careful to improve our time,
p. 104.

Where, after preliminaries, The duty of improving Time is

1st Recommended: and that from three considerations, p. 110.

(1.) From the consideration that it is our duty and wisdom,
to be duly and deeply impressed with the worth and value of time,
p. 111.

IXDEX. 23

(2.) From the consideration that it is our duty and wisdom duly
and deeply to be affected and influenced this way, so as to set about
the improvement of it, as our greatest and most concerning duty
and interest, p. 112116.

(3.) From the consideration of God's seeing how we spend our
time, p. 117.

After these things, we are

In the 2d place directed, how to improve time, by three rules,
p. 118.

The 1st Rule. To take heed that we lose not our time, and the
opportunities and seasons thereof, through sin and vanity. But
that it be always filled up with the conscientious and diligent dis
charge of all necessary duties, p. 119.

This considered largely in both parts of it.
The first part spoken to. The 2d part discoursed of.

The 2d Rule. To dedicate ourselves to God, and to keep a
Register of our own actions, and of the providence of God to us,
p. 133135.

The 3d Rule. To set down a directory to ourselves, how we
are to act, p. 135.

The Author's Apology for his epistolary freedom, p. 137.

An exhortation to Friendship : and an account of it, p. 138.

The conclusion of all, in the words of Basil the Great, p. 139.

POSTSCRIPT.

The occasion of adding this Postscript, p. 141.

1st Proposition. That the Revelation is divinely inspired, p. 142.

2d Proposition. That it was written after the destruction of
Jerusalem, p. 144.

The hypothesis of Grotius refuted, 147 155.

Three Corollaries deduced from thence, 155.

3 Prop. The Epistles to the seven Asiatic Churches not pro
phetical, p. 156.

4 Prop. Babylon the Great denotes the Roman empire, p. 156.

5 Prop. The great Whore represents Rome papal, p. 157.

6 Prop. The seven kings, or seven heads of the beast, represent
the seven Roman forms of government, p. 157.

The reason of the Author's brevity here, in these particulars, p.
158.

And his apology for himself in case of mistakes, p. 158.

AN

EPISTOLARY DISCOURSE,

TO ALL MY TRUE AND GOOD FRIENDS EVERYWHERE; BUT MORE
PARTICULARLY TO THE WORTHY GENTLEMEN AND OTHERS
THAT COMPOSE THE CHURCH TO WHICH I AM NOW RELATED
AS A MINISTER.

MY DEAR FRIENDS,

IN compliance with the frequent and repeated desires of
a great many of you, I suffer the following discourses* to
break loose from their fellows, to take their fortune, as
we used to say, in the wide world. And, seeing the
candour of so many of my friends has made them think
they might not be unuseful, I must therefore expect that
they will, from the same principle, defend this publica
tion of them, against the censures they may be supposed
to fall under, both from open enemies and pretended
friends. For, though it be a common, and, as it were,

[ a The discourse in this volume is the first of four upon the fol
lowing subjects: 1. " An account of the Rise and Fall of the
Papacy." 2. " God's dwelling with men." 3. The ministerial
office." 4. A brief account of religion as it centres in the Loid
Jesus Christ." ED.]

C

26 THE RISE AND FALL

thread-bare argument, to plead importunity in this case ;
yet it is sufficiently known to several of you, that if it
had not been for this, the world had not been troubled
with any thing further of this kind from me. For as I
am sure no affectation to be more known or taken notice
of, has influenced me to present these discourses to public
view ; so I do suppose it is not unknown to some of you,
that retirement from this noisy and vain world has ever
been the sum of my ambition, excepting when public
work and service has obliged me to shake off the beloved
fetters of so dear a confinement.

I shall not, therefore, say more as to the following
essays, than to tell you (what many of you know already)
that, as the first of the discourses that follow this pre
fatory one gave rise to the publishing of the second, so
the second gave occasion to the printing of the third.
And, therefore, seeing the late opportunity of preaching,
when we entered into our new Meeting-place here in
London, Sept. 29, 1700, did induce some of you to de
sire the publication also of that sermon I preached when
I entered upon the pastoral and ministerial work among
you, June 19, 1698, the same occasion has given birth
to the last additional discourse, which some remember I
made, when I was solemnly set apart to the ministerial
office, Feb. 9, 1687, which I have the rather consented
to print now, because it doth not only suit with the
second discourse, but because I remember several false
or at least imperfect copies were taken of it, when I did
at first deliver it.

And seeing the last discourse (which yet was the first
as to time) doth now appear in the view of the world, I
found myself in some sort obliged to interest all my
friends in this prefatory address : wherein I do particu
larly include those of the English Church at Leyden, and
Scots Church in Rotterdam, to whom I stood related
successively as minister or pastor ; whom I do the rather

OF HOME PAPAL. 27

mention here, that I may let them know how much they
are still upon my thoughts, though we are separated as
to place.

But seeing my work is now more particularly appro
priated to you, whom I am more immediately concerned
with and related unto at present, I do therefore in a more
special manner address myself to you at this time. And
I hope ye will bear with me, if, from my sincere respect
for your welfare, I detain you awhile here, before ye enter
upon the perusal either of my apocalyptical thoughts fol
lowing, or the other discourses, which I do present you
with, at your own desire. For, in case either of death,
or being otherwise rendered incapable to serve you, I am
willing to give a vent to my thoughts and affection at this
time ; that whatever comes of me, the following discourses,
together with this, may stand as a lasting witness of my
real concern for your soul's welfare.

In the first place, therefore, I do declare, that though
I am not willing to state my sufferings upon little mat
ters or modes of worship and expression ; yet I can sin
cerely say, that should the Divine providence call me to
lay down my life for the truths themselves, which I have
preached among you, I hope I should be so far from
quarrelling with the procedure of God, this way, that I
should rejoice in such a martyrdom. And as I hope I
have not contradicted in my fife, what I have preached
in the pulpit, whatever my infirmities have been ; so, I
presume, it will not be looked upon as pride or vanity, if
I say with the great apostle (though, as to the last clause,
I dare not pretend to have been any pattern to you) ;
" Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, whatso
ever things are venerable, whatsoever things are just,
whatsoever things are pure, whatsoever things are lovely,
whatsoever things are of good report ; if there be any
virtue, and if there be any praise, think on these tilings.
Those things which ye have both learned and received,

c 2

28 THE RISE AND FALL

and heard and seen in me, do ; and the God of peace
shaU be with you." (Phil. iv. 8, 9.)

For, in the next place, I thank God, that he, who
knows the secrets of all hearts, doth testify together with
my conscience, that a sincere concern to be useful to our
common Christianity, was the thing that did at first
influence me to enter upon this great work of the minis
try, and hath ever since engaged me, though under more
discouragements than most men, to continue in it. So
that it is a matter of sweet reflection to me, that I never
gave any occasion to brand our holy profession with the
odious name of priestcraft, whatever any others have done.
For, as I have had no other ambition than to engage and
draw men over to the great and catholic interests of
Christianity itself, in order to their becoming the follow
ers and servants of our glorious God and blessed Saviour ;
so, I am sure I can confidently say, without any vanity
or affectation (for which I dare appeal not only to you,
but all others that have known me, ever since I began
to preach), that there is not one in the world, that ever
had just occasion so much as to think, that I did at any
time attempt to bring any person over to my way, as a
party. And as thus I have been far from seeking either
honour, interest, or popularity ; so there are not a few that
can bear me witness, that I have incurred the censures
of some men of very different denominations, because I
could never be induced to think that religion did properly
stand in the rituals of any of the contending parties.

The differences, therefore, but especially the animosi
ties, that are among Protestant Christians, have ever been
grievous and afflictive to me. And to heal these, I
could cheerfully be offered up a sacrifice, if I can be sup
posed to be conscious of the sentiments and movements
of my own soul. For though we of this congregation
differ from all others that dissent from the episcopal
communion, in this, that we are in a peculiar sense upon

OF ROME PAPAL. 29

a national foundation viz., in as far as we not only own
the same church government, but keep up the same way
that the Church of Scotland useth in her public admin
istrations, to which most of us belong as natives, and
all of us as proselytes ; yet I must publicly own, that
abstracting from this, I am a dissenter from that party
who engross and monopolize the name of the Church of
England. For though I have ever looked upon other
controversies as more edifying and momentous, than
those unhappy ones that have kept that great body and
ours divided, yet I have so far considered them, as hitherto
to find no reason to quit that way I was educated in,
notwithstanding the specious reasons made use of, to pre
judice people against us as schismatics, rather than to
convince us that we are so.

Therefore, in the third place, I cannot but own (with
out any design to reflect upon them that differ from me
in such matters), that I look upon that way as nearest to
the Christian institution, that has the fewest, and most
natural and unaffected, and consequently most spiritual
rites and ceremonies, in the performance of gospel ordin
ances. For, as a learned Conformist says* in a book
which he did afterwards indeed seem to differ from, but
never attempted to retract or refute, and, perhaps, was
never able to do, " Certainly the primitive church, that
did not charge men with such a load of articles, as now
in these latter ages men are charged with, would much
less have burdened men with imposing doubtful practices
upon them as the ground of church communion. There
is nothing, then, that the primitive church deserves more
imitation in by us, than that admirable temper, moderation,
and condescension, which was used in it towards all the
members of it. It was never thought worth the while to
make any standing laws for rites and customs, that had

* Stilling. Iren. page 122, G8.

30 THE RISE AND FALL

no other original than tradition, much less to suspend men
from her communion for not observing them." And if
this was the practice of the primitive church, it was emi
nently so in the apostolical age ; to whom, as acted by
the Holy Ghost, it seemed good to require nothing by
way of imposition, but a few very necessary things viz.,
that Christians should abstain from idols, blood, things
strangled, and fornication. (Acts xv. 28, 29.) But alas !
since that time it hath seemed good to men (but I am
sure not to the Holy Spirit), to impose a great many
unnecessary things on the consciences of others, without
any such allowance as was given them, that every man
should be fully persuaded in his own mind, in what he
did. (Rom. xiv. 5.) For what regard have some men to
this apostolical rule, when their impositions are laid as
stumbling-blocks in their brethren's way, (Rom. xiv. 13,
&c.,) without any regard to the wounding of the weak
consciences, upon the supposition they are so ? (1 Cor.
viii. 12). Is this to imitate the apostle's tenderness, who
resolved rather never to eat flesh, than to offend any
weak brother? (1 Cor. viii. 13.) Or, do men this way
seek the things of Jesus Christ, or their own private ends
and emoluments most? (Phil. ii. 21.)

Therefore, let men dispute about forms and ceremo
nies, and their decency or necessity, as long as they please :
I must say, with a reverend conforming minister, * u That
all the art and power of the world cannot make trifles in
the worship of God, seem matters of importance to them
that relish heaven. What trumpery are habits, various
gestures and postures, to a man that is swallowed up in
the contemplation of the infinite majesty of the glorious
God ? Or that is lost in the ravishing admiration of his
goodness and love ? Or that is sunk into the lowest
abasements and self-abhorrence for his sins ? Such a soul

* See P. M. in his " Vanity, Mischief, and Danger of Cere
monies," proposed to the Convocation, and printed A. D. 1690,

OF ROME PAPAL. 31

may be loaded with human inventions, but he can never
look upon them as ornaments or helps to devotion."

Whatever then be the various ideas and theories of
what we call edification ; yet still, as none can dispute
us out of what we receive most advantage from, as to our
bodies, so neither as to our souls. For if no man can be
able to persuade me, that his constitution of body is such
a standard to mankind, that I and all others are obliged
to reckon that food most healthful for us, which the im-
poser tells us is so to him, though, at the same time, we
experience it to be noxious or disagreeable to us. I
know no more reason, why any man should pretend a
power of imposing modes and forms on my conscience,
which I am dissatisfied with, from no other reason but
this, that they appear to be the most excellent or decent
to him. So that, as liberty is equally necessary in the
one case as in the other, unless we value the health ot
onr bodies above the peace of our consciences and security
of our souls ; so the contrary practice, when force is used,
can admit of no softer term than that of anti-christian
tyranny. I cannot, therefore, but highly approve of what
I find in a book I have already mentioned.* "What
possible means can be given," says the author, " why such
things should not be sufficient for communion with a
church, which are sufficient for salvation ? And certainly
these things are sufficient for that, which are laid down
as the necessary duties of Christianity, by our Lord and
Saviour in his word."

I mention these things, God is my witness, for no pri
vate design, to uphold a party, or to serve the ends of it
as such, but to let those who are prejudiced against us,
know, that we are acted by religion as a principle, and
not as a notion only ; and that this is the reason of our dis
sent from those that share the emoluments of the church

* Stilling. Iren. preface, p. 8.

32 THE RISE AND FALL

among them. Otherwise it were not probable that we
should unite, in acting contrary to our own interest,
merely from faction or humour, if we may -presume to
know our own sentiments ; and I hope most, if not all of
us, durst not dissemble before the great God all our days,
in a matter of so great importance as this is. So that the
dissenting of so many persons from the established church,
to their own hurt and disadvantage in the world, may be
looked upon as no contemptible argument by unbiassed
persons, that there are some men that are acted by reli
gion as a principle, and that take up the ministry other
wise than as a trade.

But I had this further design in touching upon our
unhappy differences ; that considering that they do only
concern the externals and circumstantials of religion,
both ye and all others that peruse these lines, and the
following discourses, may be taken off from that fury and
bigotry, by which so many seem to be possessed at this
day, and may learn to mind the great essentials of
Christianity more, acting conscientiously yourselves in
all things, and judging charitably of those that differ
from you, whether they do so of you or not. For w r hat
I have said on this head, is not in the least designed to
reflect upon those that differ from us, among whom I
acknowledge there are many distinguishable, not only
for parts and learning, but for piety and moderation also,
upon which accounts I cannot but honour and love them,
though they should both despise and hate me. Nay, I
question not, but even many of the bigots for cathedral-
worship and its annexed hierarchy (who are for running
up these to as near a conformity to Rome as they can,
and yet stamp all with a confident pretending to a ju-s
divinum,) may act from conscience even in their uncha-
ritableness to them that conscientiously differ from them,
yea, in their hatred of them, and rage against them,
where they have power. But then it must be remem-

OF ROME PAPAL. 33

bered, that as their zeal is not according to knowledge,
so they are of the same tribe with those of whom our
Saviour speaks when he tells us, that they would perse
cute, yea, kill his servants, when they had opportunity,
believing at the same time, that they did God most
acceptable service. But he immediately adds, " And
these things will they do, because they have not known
the Father nor me." (John xvi. 2, 3.) However, my
design is not to reflect even on them, but rather to pity
them, and wish them more knowledge, and a better
mind.

For as a contentious and especially a persecuting
temper was never from God, nor according to the rule
of the meek and holy Jesus, whose religion is first pure
and then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated
(James iii. 17, 18) ; so such a disposition was never more
unseasonable than at this time. For they must be unac
countably unobservant of, and unconcerned with the pre
sent state and posture of affairs in Europe, who see not in
what danger the Prostestant interest is at present ; consi
dering what it has lost already, and is in hazard of losing
further, together with the sad decay of true Christian
piety, as well as unity, among all sorts of persons. I could
therefore wish we might learn a little prudence, even from
our popish adversaries, that we might unite in love, and
in design to promote a general interest, though we at
tain not to an exact uniformity in all things. For why
should we not join as one soul against that bloody and
idolatrous party, \vhen we see them do so against us ;
though their various sects and orders, such as Franciscans
and Dominicans, Jesuits and Jansenists, differ as much
from one another, both in their opinions and in their
form and habits (as they are regimented under their
several heads or generals, and as they live according to
vastly different laws and rules,) as we can possibly be
supposed to do ? But alas ! what moral prognostications

34 THE RISE AND FALL

have we now, but such as seem to portend ruin and
misery to us ? when we see the differences of parties
grow up in a stated hatred, with a fixed design to ruin
one another, and consequently murder the reformed
cause, which we are obliged not only upon religious
accounts to appear for, but even upon civil considerations,
seeing Popery is inconsistent with freedom and liberty,
than which nothing in this world ought to be so dear to
us. Can we have forgotten what barbarities that inhuman
party have committed in the world ? " For if we may
believe historians," says a learned man* " Pope Julius in
seven years, was the occasion of the slaughter of 200,000
Christians. The massacre in France cut of 100,000 in
three months. P. Perionius avers, that in the persecu
tion of the Albigenses and Waldenses, 1,000,000 lost
their lives. From the beginning of the Jesuits, till 1580,
that is, thirty or forty years, 900,000 perished, saith
Balduinus. The Duke of Alva, by the hangman, put
36,000 to death. Yergerius affirms that the Inquisition
in thirty years destroyed 150,000. To all this I may add
the Irish Rebellion, in which 300,000 were destroyed,
as the Lord Orery reports in a paper printed in the reign
of Charles II." And how many have been destroyed in
the late persecutions in France and Piedmont, in the
Palatinate and Hungary, none, I believe, can fully reckon
up, besides those that are or have been in the gallies,
and that have fled. This is that idolatrous harlot, so
glutted with the blood of the saints, that a late author,
in his Treatise of Convocations, sets up as a pattern to
the Church of England ; and that another author, in his
book entitled, The Case of the Regale and Pontificate
(to the scandal of the Church of England, for whom they
pretend such a zeal), would so fain have us united unto,
and represents therefore in such favourable colours. But

* Dr. MORE in his Divine Dialogues, p. 161. See also his
Mystery of Iniquity, lib. 2, chap. 15, 16, &c.

OF ROME PAPAL. 35

I hope all true Protestants will easily see the snake in
the grass ; and, surely, when we are in hazard of being
betrayed within ourselves, we have sufficient reason to
awake out of our lethargic sleep, that we may do what
possibly we can to save the nations we belong to, from
approaching desolations: or if that cannot be, that we
may, at least, save our own souls in the day of the Lord.
For seeing we are like to feel the effects of the new con
junction of France and Spain, the election of a young
politic Pope, and the apostacy of some Protestant princes
to the Romish interest (which, together with the impie
ties and scepticism of a great many within ourselves, are,
I am sure, no good prognostics,) have we not just reason
to prepare for remarkable revolutions ? While, therefore,
I think of these things, I cannot forbear to give a vent
to my thoughts on the great and dark head of futurity,
in presenting you with some conjectures in relation to
our times, founded upon Scripture prophecy, as far as I
understand it

Therefore, seeing this is the chief design of this dis
course, which I have inscribed to you, I hope ye will
bear with me in giving you some brief accoiuit of the
times we are faUen in, and what we may expect if we
live much longer. Which I am the rather induced to
do, because we are just now entering upon a new age,
from which we look back upon seventeen centuries, which
have elapsed since our blessed Eedeemer came into the
world, and may therefore be allowed to conjecture with
some just ground perhaps of probability, (for I do indus
triously avoid the fatal rock of positiveness, which so
many apocalyptical men have suffered themselves to
split upon) what part of the Revelation remains yet to be
accomplished.

But since I am to confine myself to a little compass
here, as remembering I am writing no book properly, but
an epistolary discourse, prefatory to those that follow,

36 THE RISE AND FALL

with which, therefore, it must keep some proportion : I
shall content myself in giving you a few hints towards
the resolution and improvement of that grand apocalyp
tical question, when the reign of Antichristianism or the
Papacy began ?

There are two things, therefore, which lie before me
to be considered at this time.

I. I must fulfil my promise in giving you a new reso
lution of the grand apocalyptical question concerning the
rise of the great Antichrist or Borne Papal. For when
we have done this, and fixed this era or epocha, we may
by an easy consequence, see the time of the final fall and
destruction of this dreadful enemy.

II. I must in the next place improve the resolution of
this question, both theoretically, as a key to unriddle the
dark apocalyptical times and periods ; and practically, in
order both to the regulation of your thoughts and the
government of your lives, in some very weighty consi
derations deducible from thence.

The first thing, therefore, which I have to do, is to
attempt the resolution of the principal apocalyptical ques
tion concerning the rise of Antichristianism.

Now in order to answer this distinctly (which hath
exercised and wearied out all apocalyptical writers hitherto)
there are some things I would premise as so many post-
ulata, which generally all are agreed in, and which Mr.
Mede, a Dr. More, b Mr. Durham,c and Dr. Cressener, have
irrefragably proved. 1. That the revelation contains*
the series of all the remarkable events and changes of the
state of the Christian church to the end of the world.

[ a Joseph Mede, author of Clavis Apocalyptica," 4to., 1632.
b Henry More, D.D., (a celebrated Platonist,) author of an " Ex
position of the whole book of Revelation." 4to, 1680. c James
Durham (Puritan) author of " A Commentary on the whole of the
Revelations." Folio, 1658. ED.]

* Rev. iv. 1 and x. 5, 6, 7.

OF ROME PAPAL. 37

2. That * mystical Babylon, or the great whore described
there, doth signify, Rome in an antichristian church state.

3. That therefore this cannot be Rome pagan properly,
but Rome papal. 4. That the f seven heads of the beast,
or the seven kings, are the seven forms of government,
which obtained successively among the Romans : and
seeing the J sixth of these was that which was only in
being in John's time (the former five having fallen before) :
that therefore consequently the seventh head, which
under another consideration is called the eighth, (the
intervenient kingdom of the Ostro-Goths being the seventh
in number, though not properly Roman, and therefore,
in that sense, none of the heads of the Roman govern
ment) is the last species of government, and that which
is called most peculiarly, and by a speciality, the Beast
or Antichrist.

These postulata being supposed as certain (which I
would reckon no difficult thing to prove, were it needful),
I must in the next place, premise two preliminary consi
derations, before I come directly to answer the question
itself.

The first is this : That the three grand Apocalyptical
numbers of 1260 days, forty-two months, and time,
times and a half, are not only synchronical, but must
be interpreted prophetically, so as years must be under
stood by days.

That these three numbers are synchronical, will appear
plain to any impartial considerer, that will be at pains
to compare them, as we have them set down in this book
of the Revelation viz., the 1260 days, (chap. xi. 3,
xii. 6); the forty-two months, (chap. xii. 2, xiii. 5);
and the time, times, and a half, (chap. xii. 14). For
it is clear, that the Gentiles treading down the holy

* Rev. xvii. 1, 5, 18.
f Rev. xvii. 10, 11. * Ibid.

38 THE RISE AND FALL

city forty-two months, (chap. xi. 2,) is the cause of
the witnesses' prophesying for 1260 days in sackcloth,
(ver. 3.) And is the woman or church's being in the
wilderness for the same term of days, (chap. xii. 6,) any
other than a new representation of the witnesses' prophe
sying in sackcloth? Seeing this must be while the
beast is worshipped and served by the whole Roman
world, during men's lunacy of forty-two months' continu
ance, (chap. xiii. 5.) And therefore seeing the woman is
said to be in the wilderness-state of desolation and perse
cution for a time, and times, and half a time, in order
thus to be preserved from the beast and serpent, (as we
see chap. xii. 14,) it is likewise plain that this number
of three years and a half must be the very same with the
two former numbers. Only it is to be observed by the
way, that this period of tune, when it is mentioned in
relation to the church, is spoken of with respect to the
sun, either as to his diurnal or annual rotation ; whereas
when it is described in relation to the beast's unstable
kingdom of night and darkness, it is made mention of
with respect to the inconstant luminary, which changes
its face continually, while it makes our months ; and
hence it is that the church is represented, (chap. xii. 1,)
under the emblem of a woman clothed with the sun, and
the moon under her feet.

Now, as these numbers are synchronical, and the same,
so it is easy to prove that they must be understood pro
phetically for years. I shall not here insist upon the
conjecture of * a learned man, that there was no diurnal
rotation of the earth before the fall, and consequently no
days of tAventy-four hours, but only an annual rotation
of this our planetary world : which he gives us as the
original reason of the Scripture's putting days for years
frequently. For whatsoever be in this, it is plain that

* Whiston's Theory of the Earth, p. 8, 79, 81. See Hypoth. 3.

OF ROME PAPAL. 39

the Scripture speaks thus in several places ; by putting a
lesser number figuratively for a greater, as well as a
definite one for an indefinite. Witness the appointment
of the week of years, (Exod. xxxiii. 10, 11,) which is
spoken of as if it were a week of days, (ver. 12,) the
seventh year of w^hich is therefore called Sabbatical,
with respect to the seventh day, Sabbath. In the same
way of speaking, Ezekiel was commanded to lie 390
days on his left side, and forty on his right, each day
for a year, as God himself says, (Ezek. iv. 5, 6.) So
likewise, God punished the murmuring Israelites with
forty years' abode in the wilderness, with relation to the
forty days that were spent in searching in the land of
Canaan. (Numb. xiv. 32.) The seven years of Nebuchad
nezzar's lycanthropy, is thus called indefinitely, days or
times. (Dan. iv. 32, 34.) Nay, our Saviour himsell
speaks in this dialect, when he calls the years of his
ministry days, saying, " I do cures to day, and to-morrow,
and the third day I shall be perfected." (Luke xiii. 32.)
But the most remarkable place to our purpose is the
famous prophecy of Daniel's seventy weeks or 490 days,
(chap. ix. 24,) reaching down from the edict of Artaxerxes
Longimanus, in his twentieth year, (Neh. ii. 1 10,) to
our Saviour's suffering at Jerusalem ; which was exactly
490 prophetical years, not Julian ones. The not distin
guishing of which, has hitherto confounded all interpre
ters, as I might show at large, were this a proper place
for it. But what the difference between these is, we
shall quickly see.

In the mean time, I am now to prove that the 1260
days are to be understood, in a prophetical sense, for
years ; for, if I can prove this, it will necessarily follow
that the other numbers must be so interpreted also, since
they are the same with this. Now, that the 1260 days
cannot be taken literally, but prophetically, will appear
from hence : that it is impossible to conceive how so

40 THE RISE AST) FALL

many great and wonderful actions, which are prophesied
to fall out in that short time, could happen during the
space of three solar years and a half; such as, the obtain
ing power over all kindreds, tongues, and nations the
world's wondering at, and submitting unto the beast's
reign and the setting up an image to the imperial head,
and causing it to be worshipped instead of the living
emperor's, &c. And besides these things, seeing the
1260 days are the whole time of the papal authority,
which is not to be totally destroyed until the great and
remarkable appearance of Christ, upon the pouring out
of the seventh vial ; and that therefore Christ will have
the honour of destroying him finally himself (though this
iniquity began to work even in the apostolical times) :
therefore we may certainly conclude that it must take
some centuries of years to carry on this abomination that
maketh desolate. For though the Lord will gradually
consume or waste this great adversary by the spirit of
his mouth, yet he will not sooner abolish him than by the
appearing of his own presence. (2 Thes. ii. 8.) As * I
choose both to render and understand the words.

The second preliminary consideration is, that, in
order to understand the prophetical years aright, we must
reduce them to Julian years, or such as are in use with
us now in Europe.

This is no idle or chimerical inquiry ; seeing the ig-

* The learned Dr. Whitby, in his late Paraphrase and Com
mentary upon the Epistles,* does indeed advance a new notion on
this chapter and verse viz. that the Jewish sanhedrim, govern
ment and nation, is primarily and chiefly understood here by the
apostle, as the Man of Sin and Antichrist, both upon the account
of their opposing themselves to Christ and persecuting of his fol
lowers, and upon the account also of their rebelling against the
Romans. And he has said so much for the proof of this, that it
may be thought to contain a refutation of my interpretation of the

[*Dr. Whitby (born 1638, died 1725) published his entire Commentary on
the New Testament in 1703. The Paraphrase and Commentary here noticed
appear to have been an earlier publication. ED.]

OF ROME PAPAL. 41

norance of this has misled all our great apocalyptical
men hitherto in their calculations, and yet unless we are
able to adjust the difference between prophetical and
Julian years, we must still reckon at a venture, without
any certainty of the truth and exactness of our arithmetic.
Therefore, that we may understand this difference, we
are to remember that the ancients were far more rude
and indistinct in their calculation of time than we have
been since ; and indeed, such is their confusion this
way, that we are obliged to God's providence in giving
us the exact compass of a prophetical year, even in this
book, by fixing the synchronism of the three numbers
above-mentioned. For by these it is determined, that
thirty days make a month, and twelve of such months
a year. So the 1260 days being divided into three years
and a half (or time, and times, and a half, in the apo-

place. But even upon the supposition that all the Dr. says for his
opinion should be true ; yet it will be found no way to invalidate
what I advance here. For all that are acquainted with the Jewish
and Apostolical writings, know, that besides a first sense to be ob
served in prophecies there is a second and remoter one more tacitly
insinuated frequently as the principal design of the Spirit of God.
I might show this in innumerable instances, especially in the
ancient prophecies that relate to David, or some other person, in
the first sense, or typical one, but to the Messiah ultimately and
completely. But I shall not insist upon any thing of this kind
now, seeing so many have done it already : and there is no need to
do it here, seeing Dr. Whitby himself doth grant all I desire, when
he says in his preface to this epistle, page 383, " But that I may
not wholly differ from my brethren in this matter, I grant these
words may, in a secondary sense (in which expression I only differ
from the Dr. seeing I look upon it to be the principal sense, because
it is the second), be attributed to the Papal Antichrist, or Man of
Sin, and may be signally fulfilled by him, in the destruction of him
by the Spirit of Christ's mouth, he being the successor to the apos
tate Jewish church, to whom these characters agree, as well as to
her, and, therefore, in the Annotations I have still given a place to
this interpretation also.

42 THE RISE AND FALL

calyptical dialect), 360 days must make up a year, with
out the additional five days and odd hours and minutes,
that are added in the calculation of the Julian year. For
the Julian (and Gregorian) months consisting, some of
thirty, and some of thirty-one days, (excepting February
only) and the years consequently of 365 days, there
must needs be some considerable difference in the revolu
tion of many centuries ; which difference appears still
greater if we consult the curious astronomical calculations
of Petavius, Tycho, Kepler, and others. But since their
exactness have only added five hours to every year (to
gether with some minutes, firsts, seconds, &c., communibus
annis which they themselves are not fully agreed in) I
shall not be so nice upon this point, as to follow them
exactly in all their criticisms this way. However, since
five hours additional to a year, arise to an entire month
in the revolution of 153 years, it ought not to be alto
gether neglected. But passing even these, and consider
ing only the five days that are added to the 360, in our
ordinary years, we will find that the 1260 days in the
Revelation being reduced to years, are eighteen years
short of Julian years, in the prophetical reckoning, by
reason of the additional days turned into years in the
ordinary accounts now, above the apocalyptical reckoning.
To demonstrate which, I present you with the following
scheme :

The Prophetical Year. The Julian Year.

One 360 365

Two 720 730

Half 180 183

Three years > 19flft 197Q

and a half \ ' 126 12/8

Now if, according to this computation, you subtract 1260
apocalyptical years from 1278 Julian or Gregorian ones,
(I call them so, ore rotundo, overlooking the smaller

OF ROME PAPAL. 43

measures of time,) there remain eighteen years to be cut
off.

To apply this therefore to our design: If we may
suppose that Antichrist began his reign in the year 606,
the additional 1260 years of his duration, were they
Julian or ordinary years, would lead us down to the year
1866, as the last period of the seven-headed monster.
But seeing they are prophetical years only, we must cast
away eighteen years, in order to bring them to the exact
measure of time which the Spirit of God designs in this
book. And thus, the final period of papal usurpations
(supposing that he did indeed rise in the year 606) must
conclude with the year 1848.

And now that I have hinted at the time of Antichrist's
rise, as the conclusion of the preliminary considerations, I
must proceed to prove this to be, in one sense, the true era
of the papal beast's reign. And, here it is, that I find
myself extremely straitened, in discoursing of so great a
subject in so narrow a compass. All, therefore, that I
can say here, will amount to a few short hints only,
though perhaps no inconsiderable ones.

Seeing therefore, as I said before, in the 4th postula-
tum, it is plain from Rev. xvii. 10, that the imperial go
vernment was the regnant head of the Roman beast, at
the time of the vision ; we have only the two following
heads to consider, as to their rise and duration. Let
these things, therefore, be minded here.

1. That the seventh head, or king of Rome, (as I
hinted before,) whose character is, that he was immedi
ately to succeed to the imperial government, and to con
tinue but a short space (Rev. xvii. 10,) that, I say, this
government could be no other than that of the kingdom
of the Ostro-Goths in Italy.

For it is plain that the imperial dignity was extin
guished in Italy, and in the western parts of the empire,
by Odoacer, the king of the Heruli, who forced Augustu-

D 2

44 THE RISE AND FALL

lus, the last sprig of an emperor, to abdicate his throne
and power, in the year 475 or, 476 as others say. And
though this Odoacer was soon destroyed by Theodoric,
the king of the Ostro-Goths ; yet the same form of regal
government was continued by Theodoric and his succes
sors. And though this kingdom continued for nearly
eighty years, reckoning from Odoacer to Teias, yet the
angel might justly call this a short time ; for so it was, if
compared either with the preceding imperial or succeed
ing papal government. Which suggests a very strong
argument against some who would make this seventh
king denote the Oriental empire, which, as it began long
before this time, so lasted many centuries afterwards, and
was not totally extinct till Mahomet* the Great's time, in
the year 1453. And surely this kingdom was sufficient
to constitute a new head of the Koman people, seeing
Eome and Italy was subjected entirely to those Gothish
kings, and that they not only acted with the same au
thority that the emperors had used before (excepting that
they abstained from that title by a special providence, that
they might not be confounded with that government),
but were owned by the senate and people of Koine as
their superiors, yea, by the emperors of the East also ;
as might easily be proved from * historians, particularly
Cassidorus,j" who was chief minister of state to two of
those kings.

Whence it doth plainly appear, that this kingdom of
the Ostro-Goths, was the seventh head, that was to con
tinue a short time ; and that therefore, it follows 1. That

* See Baron, ad. Ann. 472, 475, &c. Petav. Ration. Temp.
Lib. 7, cap. 5 ; Bellarm. de Translat. Imp. Rom. Lib. 1, cap. 9, &c.

f In Lib. Variarum. Lib. 1, Ep. 23, 31, &c Lib. 4, Ep. 25,
&c. Lib. 3, Ep. 16, 18. Lib. 8, Ep. 2, 3, 4, &c.

[ a This was not the celebrated Mahomet or Mahommed, but
Mahomet II., emperor of the Turks, who was born 1430,beseiged
Constantinople 1453, and died 1481. ED.]

OF ROME PAPAL. 45

the change wrought by Constantine the Great, both as
to the seat and religion of the empire, could not be looked
upon as a new head, seeing the old government in all
other respects was continued. And 2. Neither can any
person justly suppose that the form of the government
was altered, when the empire was divided into the East
and West, seeing in all other respects also, the imperial
authority and rule was preserved. Therefore 3. It follows
also, that the papal government was not regnant until
the destruction of this Gothish kingdom in Italy, for there
could not be two supreme heads of Kome at the same
time.

Therefore 2. We may conclude that the last head of
the beast, which is the papal, did arise either immediately
upon the extirpation of the Gothish kingdom, or some
time after : but it could not rise to its power immediately
after, seeing Justinian did by the conquest of Italy
revive the imperial government again there, which by
that means was healed after the deadly wound which
the Heruli and the Goths had given it. Though, I con
fess, Justinian's conquests of Italy laid a foundation for
the pope's rise ; and paved the way for his advancement,
both by the penal and sanguinary laws which he made
against all those that dissented from the Romish Church,
and by the confusion that followed upon Narses' bringing
in the Lombards. For, during the struggles of them
and the Exarchat, the pope played his game so, that
the emperor Phocas found it his interest to engage him
to his party, by giving him the title of supreme and
universal bishop.

Therefore we may justly reckon that the papal head
took its first rise from that remarkable year 606 ; when
Phocas did, in a manner, devolve the government of the
West upon him, by giving him the title of universal
bishop. From which period, if we date the 1260 years,
they lead us down, (as I said already) to the year 1866,

46 THE RISE AND FALL

which is 1 848, according to prophetical calculation. Or,
if a bare title of this sort be not thought sufficient to con
stitute the pope head of the beast, we may reckon this
two years later viz. from the year 608, when Boniface
the IVth did first publicly authorize idolatry by dedicating
the Pantheon to the worship of the Virgin Mary and all
the Saints.

Now it is very remarkable, that in the year 606, Pope
Vitalian did first ordain that all public worship should be
in Latin ; and therefore, however the notion of Irenseus *
has been of late ridiculed, who observed that the charac-
teristical number of the beast viz. 666, answering to the
number of a man's name, was to be found in the word
Aarg/vog, from whence he concluded that he was to be a
Koman : I cannot but think there that is something re
markable in this, (even though the numerical letters of
other words should jump with this number also,) not so
much because of the antiquity of the notion, as upon the
account of the reason he suggests to us for this, when he
says, that though he grants that other names (as that of
svavQas) may be so rendered, yet he fixed upon this, be
cause the Latin f monarchy is the last of all, and there
fore the beast must relate to this or none. Wherein I
suppose, he alludes to Daniel's account of the four mon
archies, (chap. ii. 7.) And indeed, the little horn that
arose out of the head of the fourth beast, (chap. vii. 8,)
seems not unfitly to represent, not only Antiochus Epi-
phanes, but the papal Antichrist, whose type he may
therefore be supposed to be. For as he supplanted three
kings, in allusion to which, that little horn is said to
have plucked up three horns before it by the roots : so

* Iren. adv. Hseret. Lib. 5, cap. 30.

t It ought to be observed here, that not only the Greek word,
but even the Hebrew contains the number 666 in the numerical
letters thereof; whether we make use of rr*73Vl (llomiith) Rom-

OF ROME PAPAL.

47

did the papal government rise also upon the ruins of the
Exarchat, the Lombards, and the authority of the em
perors of Italy.

I believe this account of Antichrist's rise will not be
very acceptable to some, whose zeal for the pope's
downfall has made them entertain hope of living to see
that remarkable tune; which has made them invent
plausible schemes to prove that this great enemy was
seated in his regal dignity long before the year 606.
But if a man will trace truth impartially, he will have
reason to think, that the rise of this adversary could not
be before that time. Nay, I must tell you, that I do

ana scil. Sedes or

Romanus, or Xarsivoc Latinus. As

will appear from the following scheme.

n

73

200
6

40
10
10

400

666

73

a

200

40

70

50

6

300

666

X

a

r

V

30
1

300
3

10

50

70

200

666

And whereas Bellarmin objects that Latinus should be rendered
by a single Iota, and not by ei he is exceedingly mistaken : for
not only Irenseus renders the word thus, but all the Greeks do the
same, as is plain in innumerable instances, such as in the names
Avrovai/of, SaSaoi/c, which the Romans pronounce Antoninus,
Sabinus. Nay, the ancient Romans spake the same way as the
Greeks, as is plain in Plautus and the Fragments of Ennius, with
whom, nothing is more common than queis for quis, preimus for
primus, capteiveifor captivi, lateinei for latini, Sfc.

[Faber objects to the name of " Lateinus " as above, both on
account of the spelling, and because it is not a name descriptive of

THE RISE AND FALL

not reckon the full rise of the pope to the headship of
the empire till a later date still. For though the pope
got the title of universal bishop at that time, yet he was
afterwards, for a long time, subject, in temporal concerns,
to the emperors. And therefore, I cannot reckon him to
have been, in a proper and full sense, head of Rome,
until he was so in a secular, as well as ecclesiastical sense.
And this was not until the days of Pepin, by whose con
sent he was made a secular prince, and a great part of
Italy given to him as Peter's patrimony. So that as
Boniface the III. (and his successors), by assuming

blasphemy. He therefore suggests the name ATroSar^g, (Apos
tate) as more expressive of the condition of this Antichristian power,
and equally with the other two producing the required number.

A

1

80

70

6

1

300

8

200

In all

666

But a still more probable explication may be found in the title
which the Roman pontiff has assumed, and which is inscribed over
the door of the Vatican, " Vicarius Filii Dei," (Vicar of the Son
of God.) In Roman computation this contains the number 666,
as will be seen below.

V
I
C
A
R
I
V

5

1

100

1

5

F
I
L

I
I

1

50

1
1

D
E
I

, 500

1

In all C66

ED.]

OF ROME PAPAL. 49

the title of universal bishop, was the forerunner of Anti
christ, as Gregory the Great prophesied he would be,
who should be known in the world by that proud title :
so Likewise, we may conclude that Antichrist was indeed
come, when Paul the First became a temporal prince
also. Phocas, therefore, did only proclaim the pope to
be the last head of Rome, in the apocalyptical sense : but
it was Pepin who gave him the solemn investiture, and
seated him on his throne, which Charlemagne did after
wards confirm to him.

Now, as near as I can trace the time of this donation
of Pepin, it was in or about the year 758, about the
tune that Pope Paul the First began to build the church
of St. Peter and St. Paul. Now, if we make this the
era of the papal kingdom, the 1260 years will not run
out before the year 2018, according to the computation
of Julian years ; but, reducing these to prophetical ones,
the expiration of the papal kingdom ends exactly in the
year 2000, according to our vulgar reckoning. And if
what I suggest above be true, that Antichrist shall not
be finally destroyed until the coming of Christ, then may
this calculation be looked upon to be very considerable.
For it has been a very ancient opinion, that the world
would last only six thousand years ; that according to
the old traditional prophecy of the house of Elias, the
world should stand as many millenaries as it was made
in days ; and that, therefore, as there were two thousand
years from the Creation to Abraham, without a written
directory of religion, and two thousand from thence to
Christ, under the old economy of the law, so there would
be two thousand years more under the Messiah. So
that after the militant state of the Christian church is
run out, in the year 2000, it is to enter upon that
glorious sabbatical millenary, when the saints shall
reign on the earth, in a peaceable manner, for a thousand
years more. After the expiration of which, Satan shall

50 THE RISE AND FALL

be let loose, to play a new game, and men shall begin
to apostatize almost universally from the truth, gather
ing themselves together under the characters of Gog
and Magog, from the four corners or parts of the world,
until they have reduced the church to a small compass.
But when they have brought the saints to the last ex
tremity, Christ himself will appear in his glory, and
destroy his enemies with fire from heaven (Rev. xx. 9) ;
which denotes the great conflagration (2 Pet. iii. 10, &c.) ;
which is followed with the resurrection and Christ's
calling men before him into judgment. And, perhaps,
the time of this judgment will take up the greatest part
or the whole of another millenary of years ; that as
there were four thousand years from the Creation to
his first coming, there may be four from thence to his
triumphal entry into heaven with all his saints. For
though the Scriptures call this time a day, yet we know
what Peter says, that a thousand years and a day are
the same thing in Divine reckoning. (2 Pet. iii. 8.)
But that all men that ever lived should be publicly
judged in a day, or year, or century, so as to have all
their life and actions tried and searched into, is to me,
I confess, inconceivable, not indeed in relation to God,
but in relation to men and angels, who must be con
vinced of the equity of the procedure and sentence of
the Judge.

But to return, I cannot forbear to take notice of one
thing here, that the year 758 was the year 666 from the
persecution of Domitian, when John was in Patmos, and
wrote this book (as Tertullian, Irenseus, Origen, Euse-
bius, Jerom, and all the ancients, excepting Epiphanius,
tell us,) which, though some say was A.D. 95, was most
probably in or about the year 92, the persecution of
Domitian having begun two years before. So that here
we have another characteristic mark of the number of
the beast.

OF ROME PAPAL. 51

And now, I hope, I have said enough of the future
part of time, as to the general idea, which I think the
Revelation gives of it. But I must proceed one step
further with you, and consider under what revolution of
time we are at present ; that we may thence see what we
are to expect, and how we are to act.

So that here I find myself insensibly taken off from
any further direct prosecution of the question proposed
by way of answer thereunto. And,

Therefore II. I proceed to improve what I have said
as to this question, both theoretically and practically.

And 1st. I shall advance something here, as a theo
retical improvement of what I have said upon the former
head. For, by this key, we may attain in a great mea
sure, to unlock the dark apocalyptical periods and times :
those, I mean, that relate to the continuance of the papal
power, both as to his gradual growth and increase first,
and his decay afterwards, until his last and final destruc
tion. And, in relation to these, the far greater part of
the Apocalypse must be understood.

Now, in order to this performance, I must premise this
one thing viz. that the seven seals, trumpets, and vials
(in which is contained the order and series of the whole
apocalyptical prophecy, and to the explication and illus
tration of which, all the other particular visions are sub
servient) ; that, I say, these are joined together by the link
of the seventh seal and seventh trumpet ; so as the seventh
seal doth, as it were, produce or include the seven
trumpets, and the seventh trumpet the seven vials, in the
same manner.

This I should reckon no difficult thing to demonstrate,
but that it would be too long to insist upon it in this
place. And seeing Mr. Durham has done it, in a great
measure, already, I pass it now the more easily. Only
let me desire you to consider, that it was not until after
the opening of the seventh seal, that John saw the

52 THE RISE AND FALL

angels with the seven trumpets (Rev. viii. 1, 2). And
that it was after the sounding of the seventh trumpet
also that he tells us, he saw aXXo (f^siov t^vya xat
$av/y,a<frov, another sign, great and wonderful (chap. xv. 1),
which was the vision of the vials. So that I wonder
that Mr. Mede, Dr. More, and almost all others, have
suffered themselves to be confounded in their interpre
tations, by reason of their not observing this, and con
sequently, by jumbling some of the trumpets with the
seals, and most of the vials with the trumpets.

Now, this being supposed, we will find the series of
time run in the following order, according to this three
fold septenary of periods, which do insensibly run out
one into the other.

The first septenary of seals relates to the Christian
church, during the state of the Roman empire. And
these do accordingly run in this order.

The first seal exhibits the state of the church, under
the conduct of a glorious Rider on a white horse, having
a bow in his hand, and a crown given unto him, who
went out conquering and to conquer, (chap. vi. 2.) Under
which emblem Christ himself is represented, going forth
upon his conquests over Jews and Gentiles. And, as
this relates to Christ's first victory over his enemies, after
his commission to his disciples, to preach the gospel to
all nations, (Matt, xxviii. 18 20,) and the pouring down
of his Spirit for this end, on the day of Pentecost
(Acts ii.) ; so the full completion of it is not till the end
of time. For after all other horsemen and enemies of
the church have done their utmost against Christ and
his people, we find this Horseman leading them in all
triumph as his captives, and proceeding in his conquests
to make a full and final end of them. (For which see
chap. xix. 11, 12, &c.) So that this seal begins with
A.D. 33 or 34, and does not end till the end of time, as
to its full completion. But if we reckon it only in

OF ROME PAPAL. 53

relation to the beginning of the next seal (Christ's con
quests being darkened, as to the outward view of men,
by what follows), we shall see that immediately.

The second seal (chap. vi. 3, 4), under the emblem of
a rider upon a red horse (who had a great sword given
him, in order to take peace from the earth, and to engage
men in wars,) represents the state of the empire from the
time that Nero made war on the Jews, A.D. 66 ; and so
contains the civil wars of Galba, Otho, and Vitellius,
when men did so remarkably kill one another ; and the
wars of Vespasian and Titus against the Jews, completed
afterwards by the terrible destruction of that nation
under Hadrian ; together with his other wars, and the
preceding persecutions of Domitian and Trajan, and the
conquests of this last prince. So that, as this begins
with A.D. 66, it ends with Hadrian's wars in 134 or with
his life, 138.

The third seal (chap. vi. 5, 6) begins, therefore, with
A.D. 138; where under the hieroglyphic of a rider on a
black horse, a with a pair of balances in his hand, to weigh
and measure all things exactly, is set forth the excellent
reigns of the admirable Antonines, Pius and Philosophus.
And, therefore, this seal runs out in the year 180.

[ a The " Black Horse " seems to denote famine, and well repre
sents that period of scarcity from A.D. 138 to 193 ; when all the
care of the emperors could only prevent the horrors of entire des
titution. And although this interpretation has been called in
question, it is confirmed by a consideration of the words rendered
severally in our translation "measure" and " penny." For the
KoinZ was not any set measure, but as Waser (Ant. Mens. II. 3.)
shows, varied several times, although it ordinarily signified that pro
portion of wheat which was sufficient for one man's food for a day.
So dqvapioe was generally a day's wages. (Matt. xx. 2.) The
meaning then of " a measure of wheat for a penny," is, that a
whole day's labour would only be sufficient to procure food for a
day, for the labourer himself, whilst all provision for raiment, or
for his family, would be impossible. ED.]

54 THE RISE AND FALL

The fourth seal (chap. vi. 7, 8) represents the Eoman
horse turned pale, and the rider changed from a grave
and awful judge to a murderer, so as to be called Death,
by reason of his throwing so many into Hades, or the
future state, by immature deaths. Where we have a
very remarkable account of the state of the Eoman
empire, after the decease of the brave Antoninus Philo-
sophus, under the barbarities of Commodus, the short
lived reigns of Pertinax and Didius Julianus, but especi
ally under the severe and bloody Septimus Severus,
in his wars against Perscennius Nigerus, Albums, and
others, and under his son Caracalla; and, afterwards,
under Macrinus, Heliogabulus (the reign of the excellent
Alexander Severus being but a short breathing to the
empire and the Christians,) Maximinus, and his son
Pupienus, Balbinus and Gordianus, and Phillipus and
his son ; with whose death, I think, this seal runs out,
in the year 250. And with the death of these Phillipi,
who favoured Christianity, the four Evangelical living
Creatures (which our translation renders Beasts, most
unaccountably) cease to speak openly.

The fifth seal, therefore, discovers the state of the
Christian church to be exceedingly languishing and
melancholy, as if the saints were all slain, praying and
crying for vengeance against their persecutors, while they
are represented as lying under the altar, (chap. vi. 9, 10,
11.) So that this period begins with Deems, the first
universal persecutor of Christians (for all the former per
secutions, under Nero, Domitian, Trajan, and the Anto-
nines, were but provincial ones, and that of Maximinus
against the ministers only), who began his reign and
persecution together in the year 250, and was seconded
in it by Valerian (for the short reigns of Trebonianus,
Gallus, and ^Emilianus, hardly deserve to be taken notice
of in this case). Now, the souls of the martyrs are desired
to rest patiently, until the confused reign of Galienus

OF ROME PAPAL. 55

should run out, and the thirty tyrants that rose in his
time should be cut off, together with the short-lived
Claudius Gothicus ; seeing, after that little interval, their
brethren were also to suffer still further under Eome
pagan viz., under Aurelian, and afterwards (when the
short reigns of Tacitus, Probus, Cams, and Carinus
should be over,) under the cruel persecution raised against
them by Dioclesian and Maximianus, elder and younger,
together with Severus and Maximinus. So that this
seal ends with the conclusion of this last persecution
begun by Dioclesian, and so expires, A.D. 306.

The sixth seal, (chap. vi. 12 17,) gives us an account
of God's gracious answer, at length, to the prayer of the
slain witnesses, in the destruction of Rome pagan, after
their cup was made full by the last cruel persecution ; and
this is described, as if heaven and earth were come to an
end. For so the prophets used to represent the ruin of
kingdoms and monarchies, as we see among other places.
(Jer. iv. 24 ; Isa. xiii. 10, and xxiv. 21, 23 ; Joel ii. 10.)
So that this seal contains the great and terrible wars of
Constantine the Great, against all those last tyrants,
from the year 306, to the death of the last pagan em
peror, Licinius, A.D. 324.

The seventh seal, therefore (chap. viii. 1), represents
the short breathing of the church, and peace of the
Christians under Constantine, from the year 313, when
he first published an edict in their favour ; and particu
larly from the death of Licinius, A.D. 324, to his own
decease, in the year 337, immediately upon which the
scene alters : And then begins

The second septenary of trumpets, which gives us an
account of the state of the church, in relation to the
gradual growth and increase of her antichristian enemies,
though in a way, also, of judgment upon them : which I
represent to you in the following series and order.

The first trumpet, (chap. viii. 7,) began a little after

56 THE RISE AND FALL

Constantine's death, in the wars between his eldest and
youngest son, or at the death of the first in battle, and
of the last by the usurpation of Magnentius, which was
a kind of mixed storm, of hail, fire, and blood. The con
tinuance of it was in the persecutions against the orthodox
by Constantius and Valens, with the interventions of that
against all Christians by Julian the apostate. And the con
clusion of it seems to be the usurpation of Maximus, upon
the death of Gratianus, and afterwards the death of Valen-
tinian II., and finally the wars and death of Theodosius ;
so that it began with the year 339, and ended A.D. 395.

The second trumpet (chap. viii. 8, 9), represents a
great kingdom, under the emblem of a mountain, (see
Jer. li. 25,) burning with fire (i. e. in a cruel and fierce
manner), and thrown into the midst of the body politic,
or empire of Rome, represented by the sea, (see chap,
xviii. 15,) by which the third part of it became blood;
by which we are, unquestionably, to understand the
irruptions of the barbarous nations of the Vandals and
Goths into the Roman dominions. This began about
the death of Theodosius, and made a formidable progress
(A.D. 405) in the days of Arcadius and Honorius, by
Radagisus, and afterwards Alaricus, who took Rome (in
410) ; and it was continued during the inroads of Athaul-
phus the Goth (who pillaged the great city, in 414,) and
of Gensericus the Vandal, and of Attila the Hun into
Italy, and other Roman provinces, which they and others
about that time wasted miserably, to the year 455, and
afterwards to the year 476.

The third trumpet (chap. viii. 10, 11), doth plainly
represent the destruction of the Western empire, by a
star falling from the heaven of its glory, as a burning
N lamp. For after it had struggled with its fatal destiny,
under the obscure Coesars, Avitus Majoranus, Severus,
&c., it did at length expire with Augustulus (in 475
or 476). This star was called Wormwood, because of

OF ROME PAPAL. 57

the bitter troubles this brought upon the empire. For
the Ostro- Goths planted themselves in Italy, and reigned
as arbitrarily as the emperors had ever done. So that
this period began with the kingdom of the Ostro-Goths,
in 476, and ended with it in 553.

The fourth trumpet (chap. viii. 12,) brings yet further
desolations on Kome, by darkening its splendour and
glory, represented by the eclipsing of the sun, for a third
part of it, and the moon and stars also, in a like manner ;
by which we are to understand, no doubt, the decay of
the imperial power and authority in the West, by the
Lombards, and the Exarchat afterwards. So that this
trumpet lasted from the year 568, to the year 758, when
Pepin made the pope, in a manner, king of Kome (who,
in requital of his kindness, gave his son Charlemagne, the
empty title of Emperor of Rome,) making thus the
succeeding western empire an image of the ancient one,
(Rev. xiii. 14, 15,) by which both the power of the Lom
bards, of the Exarchat, and the Emperors did, as it were,
terminate in him ; and as the Exarchat ended in 752,
so the Lombards were totally expelled Italy a little after
viz., 773.

Now follows a three-fold woe, which makes up the
subject of the three following trumpets, which are there
fore called the woe trumpets, because of the remark-
ableness of these judgments above the former. There
fore,

The fifth trumpet, (chap. ix. 1 11,) brings forth the first
woe. The description of which is long, and the figures
many, so that I cannot be supposed to say much on so
large a head here : let a short account satisfy you. In
the first place, therefore, we are to understand, that no
other than the bishop of Rome can be meant by the star
that fell from heaven. For this is the symbol of the gos
pel ministry, (chap. i. 20,) and agrees not, therefore, with
Mahomet. Neither can the place this star fell from, viz.

E

58 THE RISE AND FALL

heaven, which denotes the glorious and holy state of the
church, agree to any other, than one that apostatizeth
from the service of Christ to the service of the world and
Satan. So that, as ancient Babylon is said to fall from
the heaven of temporal glory, as Lucifer, or the morning
star of the nations, (Isa. xiv. 12,) so is the bishop of
Rome said to fall from the spiritual heaven of his primi
tive glory and purity ; being degenerated from the first
angel of light in the church, to be the grand angel of
darkness, and becoming thus, the prince of incarnate
devils the key of the bottomless pit (which he and his
followers boast of, as the key of St. Peter) being put into
his hand by the old Serpent, for carrying on the black
designs of hell. 2. The dark pitchy smoke that came
out of the pit upon his opening it, was certainly designed
to signify the ignorance that did then prevail in the world,
and the gross and horrid errors that were spread abroad and
vended for Divine truths by the sottish monks, that then
swarmed abroad under various names and leaders ; and
particularly the idolatry that then began to prevail uni
versally in the world. For, about that time, though
several of the Greek emperors did stiffly oppose image
worship, yet the popes did at length prevail, though mul
titudes on both sides lost their lives in this quarrel. 3.
The locusts that came out of this smoke, were the Sara
cens that followed Mahomet, who compiled the model of
his religion, by the help of Jews and Christian heretics,
especially of Sergius, a Nestorian monk, whom the Arabian
and Turkish writers caU Bahira.* These Arabian locusts
(whose hegyra a or era is dated from Mahomet's flight
from Mecca, A.D. 622, a little after the pope got the
title of Universal Bishop, A.D. 606), did, in a little time,

* See Dr. Prideaux,* his Life of Mohomet, page 45 to 48.
[*Hejra, " the flight." ED.]

[* That is, John Prideaux, Bishop of Worcester, who was author of various
works, (d. 1650.) ED.

OF ROME PAPAL. 59

so increase, that they conquered or overran a great many
countries in a very little time. For they overflowed
Persia, Syria, Egypt, Palestine, and other places, about
the year 729. They extended their arms into India in
643, and into Spain in 711, and ravaged several parts
of France from 721, to the year 726, till they were routed
at length, with great slaughter, by Charles Martel, about
the year 728. However, they continued after that, to
be a scourge to the Christians, especially under the reign
of the great Almanzor, until about the year 772, when
the Turks began to grow famous.* So that the five
months, or 150 years, wherein they tormented the
Christians (though they had no power to destroy their
empire) was from A.D. 622 to 772. But we must not
imagine that these five months of years are the period of
this trumpet; for this must be reckoned from 758 to
1067 or thereabouts, when Tangrolipix the Turk, put
an end to the Saracen empire by conquering the Caliph
of Persia. Now, therefore, in the fourth place, (to pass
by the other things observable in this Saracen woe-trum
pet,) let it be considered, that as the apostate bishop of
Rome is called the angel or messenger of the bottomless
pit, so Mahomet, the king and prophet of these Saracen
locusts, is called Abaddon or Apollyon, (xi. 11,) i. e. a
destroyer, as carrying on his religion by sword and vio
lence ; from whence, his locust followers are said (ver.
10) to have stings like scorpions, by which they poisoned
the souls of men, if they did at all spare their bodies ; for
they were, in other respects, swift and strong as horses,
and had faces like men, in their reasoning, as well as
fighting, for their superstition ; adorned with hair like
women, appearing soft and insinuating at first view,
though armed with lion's teeth, as being fierce and cruel.

* See the Authors of the Turkish History, put out by Conradus
Clauserus.

B 2

60 THE RISE AND FALL

By reason of which qualifications, they got many victories,
and are therefore represented as crowned with crowns
of gold. (ix. 7.) But, upon the whole matter, this
trumpet, as it supposes the rise of the Saracen empire,
from the era of the Hegyra, 622, and the begun rise of
the pope, from the year 606 or 608 ; so after five months,
or 150 years, i. e. to the year 772, the Saracen prepara
tions continued, and the papal, from 606, or 608, to 756,
or 758. So that the duration of this begins with 758,
and expires in relation to that part of it that concerns
the Saracens, about the year 1060. But in so far as it
relates to the popish antichristian party, it is continued
down through the next trumpet, and the last. But
seeing the Saracens are brought in here as a scourge to
the worshippers of the beast, the Turks succeeding them
in this work, therefore, the trumpet is denominated from
this visible scene of affairs, and we must accordingly sup
pose that it ends with them.

The sixth trumpet, therefore, which is called the
second woe, brings in the Turks upon the stage of the
Roman empire ; who are represented as four angels or
messengers of judgment, (chap. ix. 13 15, &c.,) which
were bound on the other side of the river Euphrates for
a time, but are now let loose to pass that river, and make
their inroads into the Eoman empire, and to erect them
selves into a monarchy upon the ruins of it. Now they
are called Four Angels, because they were then divided
into four Sultanies or principalities, as their ambassadors
told the emperor Justin, in the year 570, as is related by
one of the Byzantine historians, and taken notice of by
all writers on this head.* For, at their remarkable pass
ing the river Euphrates, they were under the command
of Solyman Shahum and his three sons ; and when he

* See Pocock's Supplem. ad Abul-phar, page 106 108, and
Leunclav. Hist, page 86.

OF ROME PAPAL. 61

was drowned in the passage, they brought themselves
under four other captains, viz., Otrogules and his three
sons ; of whom, one was the famous Ottoman, who a
little after laid the foundations of that great empire, over
which his family keeps the sceptre to this day. They are
described as horsemen, for so they generally were, fight
ing on horseback, for the most part, of which the horse's
tail is still a monument, being used as their chief ensign
of honour or command. Their number was prodigious,
and might be, at that time, perhaps, exactly two hundred
thousand thousand, as it seems to be here asserted, for
they seldom sent out an army of fewer than a thousand
thousand fighting men at once. Their polished breast
plates represented fire, when shone upon by the sun;
and their horses are said to be like lions for fierceness.
And seeing fire-arms began then to be used in war (of
which they had great store, together with cannon of
prodigious bigness, which did facilitate their taking of
cities, and particularly Constantinople), their shooting
these on horseback, is represented as if the fire and
smoke and brimstone had come out of their horses'
mouths, their pieces being discharged over their heads.
With these they killed the bodies of men ; and with
their tales, which had heads also, they killed the souls of
those poor creatures that were stung or bit with their
poisonous doctrines ; insomuch that the third part of
men, (z. e. the third part of the ancient Roman empire
viz. that part which fell to Constantius, when Con-
stantine divided the whole among his three sons) was
destroyed and conquered by them. Now, if we inquire
into the time of this trumpet, we have an exact calcu
lation given of it. For they are said to be prepared for
an hour, and a day, and a month, and a year ; an hour
being ever used indefinitely in this book for a season or
period of time, we are accordingly to take it here. But
days, years, and months, being xised definitely always,

62 THE RISE AND FALL

we must likewise interpret them so here also. So that
the sense of the place is, that the Turks were loosed
from Euphrates, as being prepared instruments in the
hand of God, for the ruin of the Grecian empire, for a
certain hour or season ; even for a day, and a month,
and a year. For in that period of time they destroyed
the Eastern empire. For a prophetical year being 360,
and a month 30 ; these, with the addition of one more,
make up the period of 391 years. Now, we took notice
before, than in or about the year 1067, i. e. 1062 of
prophetical reckoning, Tangrolipix erected the Turkish
empire upon the ruins of that of the Saracens. From
thence, therefore, if we compute the 391 years, we are
led down to the year 1458, according to our ordinary
computation ; but according to prophetical reckoning, to
the remarkable year 1453, when Mahomet the Great
took Constantinople, and so erected his own empire upon
the ruins of the Grecian. For, as it is very remarkable
that John does not make the period of 391 years to be
the whole duration of the Turkish empire, but only its
preparation for after action, from its first rise to its
highest exaltation ; so we see how exactly this is fulfilled
in the event ; which, therefore, I hope, is no unedifying
speculation.

Now, seeing there is a remarkable stop and void, as
it were, between the end of the sixth trumpet and the
beginning of the seventh, which is filled up with the
account of the slaying of the witnesses, in chap, xi., I do
humbly conceive, that whatever particular slaughters of
the saints were before, or may be afterwards, the great
slaughter must have been during that interval of time.
For this could not be during the height of the two former
woes upon Antichrist and his followers ; and much less
can it be supposed to be after the sound of the seventh
trumpet, and while God's last plagues upon the beast are
a-pouring out. I do therefore reckon, that the witnesses

OF ROME PAPAL. 63

who prophesied in sackcloth from the beginning of papal
superstitions, were the honest Piedmontois, Albigenses,
and Waldenses, who were slain at length, after they had
stood the shock of all former attacks, particularly that of
Simon Montfort, with his 500,000 Croissades, whom
Innocent the third diverted from the Saracen war, in
order to extirpate that good people, about the year 1200.
Now the slaying of these witnesses began in the year 1416,
when John Huss, and afterward Jerom of Prague were
burnt. But came not to its height until the Bohemian
Calixtines complied with the council of Basil, A.D. 1434,
after which the faithful Taborites were totally ruined, as
well as their brethren in Piedmont, France, &c., which
happened about the year 1492. For they being destroyed,
the Calixtines were no better than the dead carcases (as
they are called, xi. 8,) or corpses of the former living
witnesses, over which the popish party did triumph : for
they looked upon them as standing trophies of their
victory, and therefore did not think fit to kill them further,
or bury them out of their sight. For it is said (xi. 7,
8,) that after they had finished their testimony, the beast
did make Avar upon them, %a/ aToxrsvfc/ aurouz x&i <ra
vrufAara avruv, &c. He killed them and their corpses also
(for the additional words, in our version, shall lie, are
not in the original, and do but mar the sense), or their
bodies (for some readings have it <rw//,ara), in the street
of the great city, i. e. in Bohemia, one street of the pa
pal dominions, or the great city Rome, in a large sense.
For I find that towards the end of the fifteenth century,
the witnesses were in a manner wholly extinct. For*
Comenius tells us that about the year 1467, the Walden
ses in Austria and Moravia had complied so far as to
dissemble that religion, and turn to popery in profession
and outward compliance, f The Taborites in the mean

* Hist. Pers. Eccl. Bohem. ch. 20, sect. 4, 5, page 70, 71.
t Ibid. ch. 20, sect. 3.

64 THE RISE AND FALL

time, upon their refusal to do so, were so destroyed, that
it was much that seventy of them could get together to
consult about continuing the church, and about finding
out some qualified person to be their minister, for they
had none left, A.D. 1467. And so low was the church
of Christ then, that when the hidden remains of the
Taborites (who were called Speculani, from their lurking
in dens and caves), sent out four men (as the same
author relates in another * book), to travel, one through
Greece and the East, another to Russia and the North, a
third to Thrace, Bulgaria, and the neighbouring places,
and a fourth to Asia, Palestine, and Egypt ; they did
all, indeed, safely return to their brethren, but with this
sorrowful news, that they found no church of Christ,
that was pure or free from the grossest errors, superstition,
and idolatry. This was in the year 1497. And when
they sent two of their number two years afterwards viz.
Luke Prage and Thomas German, to go into Italy,
France, and other places, to see if there were any of the
old Waldenses left alive ; they returned with the same
melancholy news as the former had done, that they could
neither find nor hear of any remaining ; only they were
informed of the martyrdom of Savanarolla (who suffered
in the year 1498), and they were told of some few
remains of the Piedmontois, that were scattered and hid
among the Alps, but nobody knew where. Now, a few
years after this, even the few remains of the Taborites
were found out and persecuted, hardly any escaping ;
so that in 1510, six suffered together publicly; and
the year following, that famous martyr Andreas Paliwka,
who, I think, was the last of that period. From whose
death, in the end of the year 1511, or beginning of
1512, to the dawning of the Reformation, by the first

* Comenius in his Short History of the Bohemian Church, pre
fixed to his Exhortation to the Church of England, sect. 66, p. 40.

OF ROME PAPAL. 65

preaching of Carolastadius and Zuinglius (who appeared
at least a year before Luther, as * Hottinger and others
tell us), there was only about three years and a half,
which answers, as near as can be, to the three days and
a half of the unburied state of the witnesses ; so that the
spirit's entering into the witnesses (xi. 11,) began with
the year 1516, if not the year before, though this appeared
most remarkably when Luther opposed the pope publicly,
in 1517. They were not only enlivened, but (to
explain the words of John ver. 11, a little further) they
rose up upon their feet, in 1529, when so many princes
and free cities in Germany, protested against the edict
of Worms and Spire, and so got the name of Protestant.
They heard a voice from heaven saying, Ascend hither,
(ver. 12,) i. e. to power and peace, when Maurice of
Saxony beat the Emperor Charles in 1552 ; and
accorolingly they did after that, ascend to the heaven of
honour, rest, and security, as if they had been wafted up
by a cloud, and that in the sight even of their enemies ;
when the Protestant religion was established and legally
settled and allowed of, in the year 1555, which was
continued and confirmed by Maximillian and Kudolph
afterwards. In whose days the church began to be
settled in several other countries viz., in England,
Scotland, Denmark, Swedeland, Switzerland, and the
Low Countries. Now it is observable, that in this period
of time, when the witnesses finished their testimony, or
were about to do so, the Turks took Constantinople, hi
1453 ; which I take to be designed by the earthquake
that destroyed the tenth part of the Koman dominions,
(ver. 13,) for the Grecian empire was reduced before
that, from being the third part of that empire ; so that
Mahomet's prevailing over the Greek church, and the
pope's conquests over the Western Christians was much
about a time, and therefore said to be in the same hour
* Hist. Reform, vol 1.

66 THE RISE AND FALL

or period of time, i. e. before the sixth trumpet ended,
and before the seventh began : for the sixth trumpet is
the hour of the Turkish woe. And indeed their triumph
was much of the same kind also. For as the papists
triumphed only over the dead bodies of the witnesses, t. e.
over the Calixtines (who were no longer living witnesses,
the Taborites being all gone, and having overcome their
enemies by their blood, and the word of their testimony),
so the Turkish triumph was only over seven thousand
names of men, i e. over the remaining eastern Christians,
who were so degenerated in all respects, that, they were
only names or shadows of true Christians ; only, whereas
the Grecians did yet own themselves to be the same in
profession with their ancestors, and so were the same
with them, as to name, the Calixtines were even debarred
that privilege.

These things being therefore considered (which I
could easily enlarge upon, were I not confined at this
time), I think it is abundantly plain, that the great
slaughter of the witnesses must have been precisely at the
time I have mentioned. For it could not be until Anti
christ was at his highest pitch of power and grandeur,
which was not before this time ; and it was not possible
that it should be after the seventh trumpet sounded,
and the vials began to be poured out ; seeing the wit
nesses were not only risen then, but were the instruments
of this last and greatest woe to the worshippers of the
beast; and, therefore, we find (chap. xi. 14, 15, &c.),
that as soon as the witnesses arose the second woe ended,
and the third commenced in the begun exhaltation of the
saints and servants of God ; and it is to me altogether
inconceivable, that the witnesses should be risen, and the
antichristian interest decline ; and yet that the witnesses
should be entirely cut of during such a period, so that I
am almost bold on this head (though I am resolved to
propose my apocalyptical thoughts only by way of pro-

OF ROME PAPAL. 67

bable conjecture), to affirm that it is impossible, morally
speaking, that the witnesses can ever be so entirely slain
as they have been before, whatever particular and pro
vincial persecutions they may be under for a time, and
whatever formidable appearances there may be against
the Protestant interest everywhere. Against this asser
tion, I can foresee no objection of moment, excepting one,
and this is, that seeing the witnesses are said to prophesy
all the 1260 years of the beast's reign, in sackcloth, and
to be slain only when they have finished their testimony,
(xi. 3 7,) it seems, therefore, very strange to say
that they should be slain during the time of their 1260
days' or years' prophecy, and so long before the end of
them. To which I answer, that in verse 3 there are two
things spoken of with respect to the opposers of Anti
christ ; the first is, that they are called witnesses or
martyrs, against the abominations of that enemy ; and the
second is, that they are said to preach or prophesy against
that interest. Now, it is only in the second sense that
they are spoken of, in relation to the whole 1260 days;
so that though the ^o^grs/a, or witness-bearing of the
saints, continue in a large and general sense, for 1260
years (and that, for the most part, in sackcloth, because
of the constant troubles they meet with form that rest
less enemy,) yet their ///agmg/a, or witness-bearing by
martyrdom and sufferings, in a strict and proper sense,
relates only to the time of their low and obscure state,
during the rage of the papists, before the sounding of
the seventh trumpet. Now, it is not said (though per
haps, this was never taken notice of before), that the
witnesses were killed after their whole prophecy or
preaching was over, or after the 1260 days were' run
out ; but only, that after their pagTv^a, or testimony for
Christ by suffering, was over, that then, I say, they were
universally slain and cut off. (ver. 7.) Now, though
there have been many persecutions since the Information,

68 THE RISE AND FALL

and the sounding of the seventh trumpet, yet they were
never universal ones. Besides, that the difference is
great, between the witnesses before and since that time,
in this respect : for since Luther's appearing, our reli
gion has been established publicly in several nations,
and authorized by law in opposition to popery, which it
never was before. But, to proceed

The seventh trumpet sounds (chap. xi. 14, &c.) imme
diately upon the end of the sixth, i. e., upon the rising
of the witnesses. Now, as the 13th and 14th chapters
are but further representations of the state of affairs under
the six trumpets preceding, relating to the condition
both of the church and antichristian party; so the
15th and 16th chapters are preliminary to the period of
the seven vials being poured out upon the papacy and
its dominions. Of which visions I have a great many
things to say, but I must curb myself now, lest I prove
too tedious. I shall, therefore, only put you in mind of
what I hinted before, that the seventh trumpet compre
hends the seven vials. For these are but the parts of it,
which gradually destroy the papal interest, which had
increased under the former trumpets. As, therefore,
this period brings in reformation, and by various steps,
makes the kingdoms of the world (which, before, were
under Antichrist), to change so far and so wonderfully,
as to become the kingdoms of God and Christ (chap. xi.
15, &c.) ; so, after a general, but glorious, account of
the state of the church from the Reformation (chap, xiv.),
and a general account of the vials to be poured out on
the popish party during the same period (chap, xv.), we
have a distinct account of the pouring out of these seven
vials (chap, xvi.), in obedience to the great voice out of
the temple, (verse 1,) which is but a repetition of the
sounding of the seventh trumpet (chap. xi. 15), under a
new representation of it.

The third and last septenary, therefore, is that of the

OF ROME PAPAL. 69

vials, or last plagues and judgments upon Home papal ;
which, as far as I can, I shall explain, by a distinct ac
count of such of them as I reckon to be fulfilled, and by
some few conjectures upon the remaining ones.

But before I proceed to the particular consideration
of these, there are two things which I would premise.
The first is, that as the trumpets did raise Antichrist up,
and the vials must pull him down, so there is a wonder
ful relation that the last bear to the former, especially
the four first ones. For the first trumpet and first vial
bring judgments on the earth, the second trumpet and
vial on the sea, the third trumpet and vial on the rivers,
and the fourth trumpet and vial on the sun. The second
is this, that seeing the vials do suppose a struggle and
war between the popish and reformed parties, every vial
is to be looked upon as the event and conclusion of some
new periodical attack of that first party upon this other ;
the issue of which proves, at length, favourable to the latter
against the former. Which seeing it is the most noble
and remarkable part of the period that the vial relates
to, is therefore that which denominates the period itself;
even as the conquest of Pompey by Caesar, and of An
tony by Augustus, suppose their wars before, and give
the denomination to their governments. These things
being premised, I now proceed.

The first vial, which fell upon the earth, to the tor
menting of the subjects of the beast, (chap. xvi. 2,) doth
denote God's judgments upon the foundations of the
papal power; the earth being that on which we walk
and build our houses, and out of whose womb we are
maintained. So that by this I understand the popish
clergy and the papal dominions and revenues, as they
are upheld by them. This, therefore, began with the
reformation, and continued until the time that the popish
factors and trumpery were thrown out of as many coun
tries of Europe as embraced the Keformation. And we

70 THE RISE AND FALL

may easily conceive what a mortification this was to that
party, when the pretended sanctity of their priests, monks,
and nuns, was found to be mere cheat, and their miracles
nothing else but lies or legerdemain ; and when their
tales of purgatory were exposed to public contempt, and
their pardons and indulgences would sell no longer ; and
consequently, when the pope and his red-hatted and
mitred officers saw themselves driven out of so great a
part of their dominions their seminaries for breeding
their motley soldiers, of all denominations and orders,
pulled down and so much of their yearly revenues lost.
Whence they are said to fall under a noisome and grievous
ulcer, or sore ; being this way pained and vexed in
wardly, and rendered contemptible to the whole world,
that looked upon them as no better than vermin, and
the plagues of mankind. So that this vial began with the
rise of Zuinglius and Luther and the other reformers, in
the year 1516 and 1517, and continued to the year 1566,
i. e. about fifty years : for by that time all the reformed
churches were settled, and had published their. creeds and
confessions against Borne, in opposition to the determi
nations of the popish council of Trent, published 1563,
and the creed of Pope Pius the 4th, which added twelve
antichristian articles to the twelve primitive Christian
ones, which was put out in 1564.

The 2nd vial (verse 3) must, therefore begin where
the other ended, as to the period of time that commences
from thence. Now, I find that in the year 1566, the
wars between the king of Spain, and the states of the
Netherlands began, when the latter got the nickname of
Geuse. And though the Spaniards were often victorious
at first, yet they were at length forced to declare them
free states. It was then that the sea became blood to
the Romanists, their votaries being miserably defeated in
their expectations. For after their cruelties under the
duke of Alva in the Low Countries, and their massacres

OF ROME PAPAL. 71

of the protestants in France and other places, the scene
was changed very quickly. So that A.D. 1588, the
Spaniards lost their vast Armada, and did ever after de
cline in their power. And the duke of Guise, the invete
rate enemy of the Protestants, was killed the same year.
And in 1598, died Philip the second of Spain, being
eaten up of lice : the edict of Nantes being given out the
same year in France in favour of the protestants. So
that as the reformed interest was in peace everywhere,
and conquered in Holland and England, the popish party,
on the other hand, saw Spain, the late terror of the pro
testants, brought to a languishing condition, and all their
allies weary of wars and persecutions. And as in the
year 1609, the truce was made between the Spaniards
and the Dutch, so the war, though renewed and carried
on afterwards, became languid and faint, so as hardly to
be felt or minded by either party, especially the Dutch,
who were for the most, victorious and successful. So
that, as the period of this vial began 1566, we may
reckon it continued about fifty years viz., to the year
1617, seeing we shall find that the third vial did begin
then. For,

The third vial (xvi. 4 7) was poured out upon the
rivers and fountains of water, or those territories of the
papacy which were as necessary to it as rivers and foun
tains are to a country, being, as it were, the former vial
continued, as to the kind of the plague. For as the for
mer destroyed the living creatures or living souls that
were in or upon the sea viz., the Spaniards, the great
mariners of the world at that time, as to their marine
power, who after the year 1518, lost their former
sovereignty of the seas to the English and Dutch ; so
this latter plague makes it difficult for the popish party
to subsist and keep their ground even in the inland
country and several dominions of Germany, and the
neighbouring places. For in the year 1617, Ferdinand

72 THE RISE AND FALL

being forced upon the Bohemians by the Emperor
Matthias, and crowned king, the foundation of new
quarrels was laid this way. For a little while after
another most bloody religious war ensued, a which shook
all the empire, and frightened Europe. And though the
Protestants lost Bohemia, the palatinate in part, and
were driven out of Moravia, Austria, and Silesia, at this
time, and were not only persecuted in many places, but
like to be extirpated and rooted out universally, yet the tide
turned all of a sudden. For after the emperor had ruled
Germany with a veteran army for a considerable time,
Gustavus Adolphus enters Germany in the year 1630,
and conquers everywhere. And though he was killed
about two years after, yet his army continued victorious ;
until at length all things were accommodated at the
peace of Munster in 1 648 ; with which therefore the
period of the 3d vial must be supposed to end, which con
sists of thirty-one years. Now as this began with perse
cution against, and cruelties upon the protestants, so at
length the angel of the waters is heard to give thanks
for making the papists drink of their own blood at last.
Which song of praise another angel falls in with, and says
Amen to. All which seems to denote the joy both of
the Protestant state and church upon the success of the
Swedish arms against the emperor.

The 4th vial comes now to be considered. And as
this is poured out upon the sun of the papal kingdom,
(ver. 8,) so the effect of it is men's being scorched or
burned with fire, which yet does not make them to turn
to God, but blaspheme his name the more, as we may
see. (ver. 9.) Now as this vial must begin where the
other ends viz. at, or a little after, the year 1648 ; so I
cannot see but it must denote the wars that followed the
peace of Munster, with other incidental occurrences. Now
we find that the French hostilities and wars in Flanders
['The thirty years' war. ED.]

OF ROME PAPAL. 73

began about this time. And though this fire seemed
to be quenched by the Pyrenean peace, about ten years
after that of Munster, yet this proved rather fuel to the
flame, which broke out with more violence than before,
by the seizure of Lorrain, the new conquests of the French
in Burgundy and Flanders, and the wars upon Germany,
and invasion of the Low Countries. To which we may
add, the French king's quarrel with several popes, about
the restitution of Castro, the rights of the duke of Mo-
dena, the affair of Corsi, and about the Regale and the
Franchises. Now, seeing the bombarding of towns and
cities was chiefly made use of in these latter wars, we may
see how properly the scorching and burning of men from
above (as if the sun had sent down fire and heat from
his own body), is made use of to characterize the time of
this vial. But the chief thing to be taken notice of here,
is that the sun and other luminaries of heaven, are the
emblems of princes and kingdoms, as we took notice of
before. Therefore, the pouring out of this vial on the
sun, must denote the humiliation of some eminent po
tentates of the Romish interest, whose influences and
countenances cherish and support the papal cause. And
these, therefore, must be principally understood of the
houses of Austria and Bourbon, though not exclusively
of other popish princes. Now, it is not unusual with
God, to make his enemies crush and weaken one another.
And thus, I suppose, this vial is to be understood, when
it is said, that upon the pouring of it out on the sun,
power was given to him (i. e. the sun, as most under
stand the words from the connexion) to scorch men with
fire. And this is plain, in what of the vial is fulfilled,
and will be, perhaps, more so afterwards. As, therefore,
France was made use of, in the instances given, to vex
and scorch the Austrian family, in both branches of it ;
so, afterwards, was he himself tormented, when he saw
himself forced to leave Holland, which he was so near

F

74 THE RISE AND FALL

surprising, 1672, and especially, when he was forced to
resign all his conquests in Flanders, by the late peace of
Reyswick. It is true, he seems now to have got more
glory than ever, by the accession of his grandson to the
Spanish monarchy. But then this is by an eclipse upon
the Austrian family, which is expired in the first branch
of it. And who knows but this advancement may lay
the foundation of the ruin or decay of the French power,
by exhausting that kingdom, both as to men and money,
in defence of a weak monarchy ? In the meantime we
see this vial has already taken place, in darkening the
glory of King James (whom the papists expected new
conquests from) by the hand of King William ; by whom
also, God put a stop to the career of the French monarch
in his conquests in Flanders, and on the Rhine. And,
we see it further poured out, in the eclipse of the Austrian
family, by the loss of Spain, and its dependent principali
ties, as also in defeating the wicked designs of the three
confederate monarchs, of Poland, Denmark, and Russsia.

And now, seeing I have marked out the time we are
rfi at present, it is time also to put a stop to our apoca
lyptical thoughts ; seeing no man can pretend, upon any
just grounds, to calculate future times. However, see
ing I have come so far, I shall adventure to present you
further with some conjectural thoughts on this head ;
for I am far from the presumption of some men, to give
them any higher character.

Now, my conjectures shall relate to two things viz.,
to the remaining part of this vial, and to the other vials
that follow this.

And, first, as to the remaining part of this vial, I do
humbly suppose that it will come to its highest pitch
about A.D. 1717, and that it will run out about the year
1794. The reasons for the first conjecture are two.
The first is, because I find that the papal kingdom got
a considerable accession to its power, upon the Roman

OF ROME PAPAi. 75

western empire's being destroyed in 475 ; to which
the Heruli succeeded the year following, and the Ostro-
Goths afterwards. Now, if from this remarkable year
we begin the calculation of the 1260 years, they lead us
down to A. D. 1735, which in prophetical account is this
year, 1717. The second is, because (as I have many
years ago observed) this year leads us down to a new
centenary revolution : For, is it not observable that John
Huss and Jerome of Prague (to run this up no further)
were burned in 1417 ? After which the true religion
in Bohemia and other places, was more and more ob
scured and suppressed, until that famous year 1517,
when Luther arose, and gave the reformation a new
resurrection : according to that remarkable prediction of
Jerome of Prague, Centum anqis revolutis Deo respondetibus
et mihij which the Bohemians afterwards stamped upon
their coin as their motto. From which year the
reformed interest did still increase (whatever particular
stops and troubles it met with) till the year 1617 ;
about which time the German and Bohemian wars
began to break out. And it is but too obvious what an
ebb hath followed since that time to this, notwithstanding
the pouring out of the second, third, and fourth vials.
So that there is ground to hope, that about the begin
ning of another such century, things may again alter
for the better ; for I cannot but hope that some new
mortification of the chief supporters of Antichrist will
then happen ; and perhaps, the French monarchy may
begin to be considerably humbled about that time;
that whereas the French king takes the sun for his
emblem, and this for his motto, nee pluribus impar, he
may, at length, or rather his successors, and the mo
narchy itself (at least before the year 1794), be forced
to acknowledge, that (hi respect to neighbouring poten
tates) he is even singulis impar.

But as to the expiration of this vial, I do fear it will

F 2

76 THE RISE AND FALL

not be until the year 1794. The reason of which con
jecture is this, that I find the pope got a new foundation
of exaltation, when Justinian, upon his conquest of Italy,
left it, in a great measure, to the pope's management,
being willing to eclipse his own authority, to advance
that of this haughty prelate. Now, this being in the
year 552, this, by the addition of the 1260 years, reaches
down to the year 1812 ; which, according to prophetical
account, is the year 1794. And then, I do suppose, the
fourth vial will end, and the fifth commence by a new
mortification of the papacy, after this vial has lasted
148 years, which, indeed, is long, in comparison with the
former vials ; but, if it be considered in relation to the
fourth, fifth, and sixth trumpets, it is but short, seeing
the fourth lasted 190 years, the fifth 302, and the sixth
393.

And now, my friends, I may be well excused, if I ven
ture no further, in giving you any more conjectural
thoughts upon this present period of tune. But seeing
I pretend to give my speculations, of what is future, no
higher character than guesses, I shall still venture to
add something to what I have already said. Therefore
be pleased, first, to call to mind what I premised to the
consideration of the seven vials, as the second pre
liminary viz. that seeing the vials do (all of them)
suppose a struggle or war between the popish and re
formed parties, every vial is to be looked upon as the
event and conclusion of some new periodical attack of
that first party upon this other; the issue of which, proves,
at length, favourable to the latter against the former.
For, if this be duly considered, it will let us see, that
great declining of the protestant interest, for some time,
and great and formidable advances, and new degrees of
increase of the Romish party, are very consistent with
the state of both these opposite interests, under the vials.
For, as Rome pagan was gradually ruined under the

OF ROME PAPAL. 77

seals, under many of which it seemed to increase to out
ward observation, and to become more rampant than
before, when yet it was indeed declining; so must we
suppose it will be with Rome Papal. For monarchies, as
they rise gradually and insensibly, so do they wear out
likewise. And, therefore, we must not entertain such
chimerical notions of the fall of the papacy, as if it were
to be accomplished speedily, or miraculously, as many
have done. For as it rose insensibly, and step by step,
so it must fall in like manner. But to illustrate this
further, as to what of the vials is yet unfulfilled, by what
is passed ; let us look back on the two preceding vials.
The second vial, therefore, began with a formidable
attack upon the protestants, by the growth of the Aus
trian family, from the year 1566 to the year 1588 ;
during all which time, the vial seemed rather to be
poured on the protestants than the papists. But, as
there must be a war, to denote a victory ; so it was in
this case. So that the vial was seen at last, in its
effects, upon the Austrian party, from 1588 to 1598 ; and
afterwards to 1617. For it is with the church, as it is
with particular Christians, who are often sorely buffeted
by Satan, and sometimes brought even to extremities by
temptations ; but do ever carry the victory at last. Who
would have believed that the Christian church was about
to triumph over the Eoman pagan empire, when the
dreadful persecution under Dioclesian, and his collegiate
emperors, was at its highest pitch? But the darkest
time of the night, ushers in the dawning of the church's
day, in the usual way of God's providence over the same.
And this is very conspicuously to be observed, in the
period of the third vial. Who would have thought that
the loss of Bohemia, and the emperor Ferdinand's ruling
all Germany with a formidable army, were like to issue
in the victories of the Swedish arms, and the future
security of the protestant interest through the empire

78 THE RISE AND FALL

and elsewhere ? So that we must not wonder if for sixteen
years, the house of Bourbon be raised up to be a further
terror and scourge to the world, and to protestant nations
particularly. And, as a confirmation of this conjecture,
let it be considered, in the second place (besides what I
hinted before on this head), that it is something very
extraordinary, and peculiar, in some sense, to this vial,
that the sun upon which it is poured out, should yet be
made the executor of the judgment of it on others, at the
same time that he is tormented with it himself. So that
whosoever is denoted by the sun here (as I suppose the
house of Bourbon principally is), is made use of, as the
devil is, both to torment others, and to be tormented
himself in so doing. And, if the king of France, there
fore, be denoted by this principally, I fear he is yet to be
made use of, in the hand of God, as Nebuchadnezzar was,
of old, among the Jews viz. as a further severe scourge
to the protestant churches everywhere. And, besides
this characteristical mark, which seems to forbode his
further exaltation and our humiliation; there is yet a
third thing, that I cannot but think upon with dread and
trembling of heart viz. that it is further said, that
while the sun of the popish world is running his fatal
and dreadful career, and scorching men with fire, they
are so far from being bettered by these judgments, that
they go on more and more to blaspheme the name of
God, who has power over these plagues. And while this
continues to be the state of the Protestant world, and,
while atheism, deism, Socinianism, irreligion, profane-
ness, scepticism, formality, hatred of godliness, and a
bitter persecuting spirit, continue and increase among
us ; what can we expect but new and desolating judg
ments? For, while we continue to walk thus contrary
to God, we cannot but expect that he should walk con
trary to us also. It is vain for us to boast of our privi
leges, or plead exemption from judgments on this account.

OF ROME PAPAL. 79

For, where there is no national reformation and repent
ance, national sins are like to pull down miseries upon
us, so much the sooner and more certainly, that we have
been so singularly and peculiarly privileged. For we
may in this case expect that God will say to us, as to
the Israelites of old, " You have I specially known and
chosen above all the families or nations of the earth,
therefore will I punish you more certainly and more
severely than any other kingdom or nation." (Amos iii.
2.) And, therefore, if we go on in sin, as we have
hitherto done, let us take heed to ourselves, lest ven
geance be near. I pray God I may be mistaken in my
feais. But I am afraid I have but too just reason to turn
prophet here, by applying to ourselves, what Peter said
to those of his time : " The time is come, that judgment
must begin at the house of God." (1 Pet. iv. 17.) Though
I do also conclude with him, that if it begin at us, dread
ful will be the end of our enemies at last. And if the
righteous scarcely be saved, where shall the ungodly ap
pear ? Wherefore, if we be called to suffer for our holy
religion, let us do so according to the will of God, com
mitting the keeping of our souls to him in well-doing, as
to a faithful Creator. And I wish my conjecture be not
found to be more than a mere guess, that for about six
teen years our Romish enemies may prevail more and
more. Though how far these may be lengthened out or
shortened, we can only conjecturally judge of, from the
future carriage of the reformed churches, under the cir
cumstances that may be stated afterwards. If any say,
that these are melancholy conjectures, I must tell them
I cannot help the matter ; for I must follow the thread
of the text, and the aspect of the times. If they ask,
but when will the tide turn for the Protestant church ?
I answer, when they turn more universally to God, and
no sooner. But if they enquire further, whether the sun
of the popish kingdom is not to be eclipsed himself at

80 THE RISE AND FALL

length ? I must positively assert lie will ; else this vial
were not a judgment upon him and the Eomish party.
But if yet the question be, when this is to fall out, and
how ? I must tell you, that I have nothing further to
add to what I have said, as to the time. But as to the
manner, how this is to be done, our text does lay a
foundation of some more distinct thoughts. Therefore,
in the fourth and last place, we may justly suppose, that
the French monarchy, after it has scorched others, will
itself consume by doing so ; its fire, and that which is the
fuel that maintains it, wasting insensibly, till it be ex
hausted at last towards the end of this century, as the
Spanish monarchy did before, towards the end of the
sixteenth age. And if we do now heartily and una
nimously enter upon a war against France, with the
assistance of allies, and be but vigorous and faithful in
the prosecution of it, securing the source of money and
treasure in the heart of America, and bringing the war
into the bowels of a nation, where a young monarch is
hardly established ; I say, if we do this, without losing
our opportunities, our peace and security may yet be
lengthened out. Whereas, if we suffer ourselves to be
lulled asleep at this time, we may have cause to lament
our not having improved our season. But seeing I am
not called to give my advice one way or other, I shall
leave the determination of such weighty matters to the
wisdom of national councils. However, as my duty is to
pray for direction unto these ; so I earnestly wish, that
there may be nothing to stop the regular and secure pro
cedure of public matters at this critical juncture ; upon
the wise improvement of which our future stability and
peace do so much depend. And now, after all this, I
desire ye may consult a book I formerly published, called,
"The Rod, or the Sword; or the present Dilemma of
these Nations." For ye will there see, more fully my
thoughts of our times, and how the moral reasons given

OF ROME PAPAL. 81

there, taken from the aspect of our age though preached
in 1692, and published in the year following, do exactly
agree with my present apocalyptical thoughts.

One thing only I shall further take notice of here,
upon the occasion of the King of Spain's death, that God
seems to mark out great things sometimes by very mi
nute ones, such as names, e. g. as the Spanish monarchy
begun with Charles the Fifth (as to the Austrian family),
so it has now expired in one of the same name : which I
the rather observe, because of many instances of the
same kind. Of which number take these following :
Darius the Mede, as Daniel calls him (though Xenophoii
calls him Cyaxares), the uncle of Cyrus, was the first
Medo-Persian monarch, after the destruction of the
Babylonian : and Darius Codomanus was the last.
Ptolemeus Lagi began the Egyptian kingdom after
Alexander's death, and Ptolemeus Dionysius w r as the last
of that race. Augustus fixed the Roman empire, and it
ended in Augustulus. The Eastern Roman empire was
erected by Constantine the Great, and expired with
Constantine Paleologus. The Scots race came into
England in a James, and has gone out again in another
of that name. And whether William, the third king of
England of that name, as well as the third William,
prince of Orange, be likely to be the last both these
ways, is left to future time to unriddle. Only I pray,
that God may long preserve him, and us by him : and
may he live to be a further scourge to France and a ter
ror to Romanists.

But, secondly, to proceed with my other conjectures,
relating to the remaining vials, I do further suppose,
that

The fifth vial, (ver. 10, 11,) which is to be poured
out on the seat of the beast, or the dominions that more
immediately belong to, and depend upon the Roman
See ; that I say, this judgment will probably begin

82 THE RISE AND FALL

about the year 1794, and expire about 1848. So that
the duration of it, upon this supposition, will be the
space of fifty-four years. For I do suppose, that seeing
the pope received the title of supreme bishop no sooner
than 606, he cannot be supposed to have any vial poured
upon his seat immediately (so as to ruin his authority so
signally as this judgment must be supposed to do), until
the year 1848, which is the date of the 1260 years, in
prophetical account, when they are reckoned from 606.
But yet we are not to imagine, that this vial will totally
destroy the papacy (though it will exceedingly weaken
it) ; for we find this still in being, and alive, when the
next vial is poured out.

The sixth vial, (ver. 12, &c.) will be poured out upon
the Mahometan Antichrist, as the former on the papacy.
And seeing the sixth trumpet brought the Turks from
beyond the Euphrates, from crossing which river they
date their rise, this sixth vial dries up their waves, and
exhausts their power, as the means and way to prepare
and dispose the Eastern, kings and kingdoms to renounce
their Heathenish and Mahometan errors, in order to their
receiving and embracing Christianity. For I think this
is the native import of the text, and not that the Jews
are to be understood under this denomination of the kings
of the East, which is such an odd straining of it, to serve
a turn as I cannot admit of. Now seeing this vial is to
destroy the Turks, we hear of three unclean spirits like
frogs or toads, that were sent out by Satan, and the
remains of the polity and church of Rome, called the
beast and the false prophet, in order to insinuate upon
the Eastern nations, upon their deserting Mahometanism,
to fall in with their idolatrous and spurious Christianity,
rather than with the true reformed doctrine. And these
messengers shall be so successful, as to draw these East
ern kings and their subjects, and with them, the greatest
part of mankind, to take part with them. So that, by

OF ROME PAPAL. 83

the assistance of these, their agents and missionaries, they
shall engage the whole world, in some manner, to join
with them in rooting out the saints. (And here, in a
parenthesis, Christ gives a watch-word to his servants,
to be upon their guard in this hour of trial, verse 15.)
But when the pope has got himself at the head of this
vast army, and has brought them to the place of battle,
called Armageddon (i. e. the place where there will be a
most diabolical, cunning, and powerful conspiracy against
Christ's followers) ; then, immediately, doth the seventh
angel pour out his vial, to their ruin and destruction.

The seventh vial, therefore, being poured out on the
air, (ver. 17,) brings down thunder, lightning, hail, and
storms ; which, together, with a terrible earthquake, de
stroys all the Antichristian nations, and particularly Eome,
or mystical Babylon. And as Christ concluded his suf
ferings on the cross with this voice, "It is finished," so
the church's sufferings are concluded with a voice out of
the temple of heaven, and from the throne of God and
Christ there, saying, "It is done." And therefore, with
this doth the blessed millennium of Christ's spiritual reign
on earth begin, of which, and what may be supposed to
follow, we took some notice above.

Now, seeing these two vials are, as it were, one con
tinued, the first running into the second, and the second
completing the first; the one giving us an account of
the beast's preparations for warring against the saints,
and the other showing the event of the whole. There is
no need to give you any conjectures about the conclusion
of the sixth vial, or the beginning of the last ; only you
may observe, that the first of these will probably take up
most of the time between the year 1848, and the year
2000, because such long messages and intrigues (besides
the time spent before, in destroying the Turkish empire),
and preparation for so universal a war, must needs take
up a great many years, whereas , our blessed Lord seems

84 THE KISE AKD FALL

to tell us, that the destruction of all those his enemies,
will be accomplished speedily, and in a little time, in
comparison of the other vial. Supposing, then, that the
Turkish monarchy should be totally destroyed between
1848 and 1900, we may justly assign seventy or eighty
years longer to the end of the sixth vial, and but twenty
or thirty, at most, to the last. Now, how great and re
markable this last destruction of the papal Antichrist will
be, we may guess by that representation of it, (chap. xiv.
19, 20,) where it is set forth under the emblem and cha
racter of the great wine-press of the wrath of God (which
can refer to nothing properly but the event of the seventh
vial, as I might show at large, had I time). Now, this
wine-press is said to be trodden without the city (viz. of
Jerusalem or the church, seeing this is called the City,
in scripture style, as Rome is called the Great City), in
Armageddon (Rev. xvi. 16), which may bear allusion to
the valley of Decision. (Joel iii. 2, 12, 14.) However,
the greatness of this slaughter appears in this, that the
blood is represented to now in such a current as to reach
even to the horse-bridles viz. of the servants of God,
employed in this execution ; for without doubt, this re
lates to what we have in chap. xix. 14, which I beseech
you to compare with this place. For ye will find that a
large account is given of the fall of Babylon, (chap, xviii.)
and of the triumph of the church, upon her final victory
over this enemy, (chap. xix. 1, &c.) And among other
things spoken of, relating to the battle and victory ob
tained at Armageddon, ye have this account of the Gene
ral and his victorious army (ver. 11, &c.) " And I saw
heaven opened, and behold a white horse ; and he that
sat on him was called Faithful and True . . . and he was
clothed with a vesture dipped in blood : and his name is
called the Word of God. And the armies which were in
heaven followed him upon white horses. . And he treaded
the wine-press of the fierceness and wrath of God . . . And

OF ROME PAPAL. 85

I saw the beast and the kings of the earth, and their
armies, gathered together, to fight against him that sat on
the horse, and against his army. And the beast and
the false prophet were taken, and both were cast alive
into a lake of fire burning with brimstone. And the
remnant were slain with the sword of him that sat upon
the horse, which sword proceeded out of his mouth ; and
all the fowls were filled with their flesh." And now, to
return to the representation of this slaughter, by the
wine-press of blood (chap. xiv. 20) ; it is further said of
it, that it flowed to the height of the horse-bridles, for
the space or extent of 1600 furlongs. So that Arma
geddon seems to he denoted here, in the extent of it, as
the field of battle, which is now turned into a field of
blood. Now, what place can we imagine to be so pro
perly meant by this, as the territory of the See of Eome
in Italy, which (as Mr. Joseph Mede, who first made this
observation, says), from the city of Rome to the further
most mouth of the river Po, and the marshes of Yerona,
is extended the space of 200 Italian miles, that is exactly
1600 furlongs: the Italian mile consisting of eight fur
longs. Now the Hebrew word Armageddon or Harma-
geddon may be justfy derived from n73*in, which signi
fies both a malediction or anathema, and a destruction
or slaughter, and p*T2, or more fully "pm^, which signi
fies an army or their army. So that both the anathemas
darted against the saints by the Romanists, and their
armies made use of against them (all which proceeded
from Rome papal), may be here alluded to, in the expira
tion of both their ecclesiastical and temporal interest. So
that this conjecture upon the name does confirm that
other of Mr. Mede, that the Stata Delia Chiesa, or the
territory and possession of Italy belonging to the See of
Rome, is the place called Armageddon, where the final
destruction of antichristianism will be.

And now, my friends, I have fulfilled my promise to

86 THE RISE AND FALL

you, in giving you, not only a resolution of the grand
apocalyptical question, when the papacy began, and
when we may suppose it will end, but some considerable
improvement of it, with respect to the knowledge not
only of times past, but that particular period we are now
under, together with conjectures (and some of them I
am sure, new and uncommon) about future time. By
all which, I hope, I have given the world such a key to
unlock all the chambers of the Book of the Revelation,
as I hope I may venture to say (if considered and used
impartially, judiciously, and diligently) will be found to
give some new light to us, in our mental journey through
the mazes, and turnings, and dark passages thereof.
And had I not been o confined, as ye may see I have
been, I might have cleared a great many other dark
things in this prophecy. But, seeing I could not neglect
this opportunity of presenting these thoughts to the
world, as a new year and new age's gift at once, I do,
therefore, hope ye will the more easily excuse what may
seem dark or defective in this discourse, as considering
how much I am straitened, not only as to the limits of
paper that I must keep to, but of time also.

Now, seeing I have already given you a theoretical
improvement of the question I have presented you with
a resolution of, all that remains is to bring you from
speculations and notions to practice ; that your thoughts
may be so seasoned with a serious and deep sense of
your duty and interest, that ye may get advantage both
by the perusal of my preceding apocalyptical meditations,
and the following discourses. That after ye have con
sidered the duty of improving your time (which, together
with some other things I am now to treat of,) ye may
make application to yourselves of what I have said con
cerning God's dwelling with men upon the earth, so as
ye yourselves may become temples of the living God, see
ing God hath promised this privilege to all true Christians,

OF ROME PAPAL. 87

saying, " I will dwell in them, and walk in them ; and I
will be their God, and they shall be my people." (2 Cor.
vi. 16.) And when ye have thus applied to yourselves
the first of the following discourses, I hope ye will not
reckon it lost time, to consider what I have said as to the
ministerial work, especially the application, as to that
part of it, at least, which does immediately relate to you
and all Christians, as well as ministers ; that this way ye
may learn to join in with Christ's ordinances for the future,
with greater seriousness, and in order to further good
than perhaps any of us have yet attained to do. And
when ye have improved this way, also by the perusal
of the second discourse, 11 let me desire you to read the last
concluding one, with serious meditation, in order to see
the connexion and design of the whole. For, though it
be short, yet it contains much in little, and may be of
use to introduce your minds to some further and more
distinct apprehension of our holy religion, as it centres
in Jesus Christ. And when ye have thus perused and
considered both this and the following discourses, I am
willing ye think as meanly of both me and them as ye
please, upon condition, that ye may this way value the
holy Scriptures more. For, as my design, in all my per
formances of this kind, is to dig my materials from the
fruitful and rich mines of this divine depositum and sacred
treasure ; so I have no other end than to lead you in there
also, that ye may be more and more enriched with the
saving knowledge of the truth as it is in Jesus. In order
to this, therefore

Let me, in the second place, suggest something here
by way of a practical improvement of what I have said
above, especially that part of our discourse which I was
last upon, relating to the apocalyptical times and periods,
with the transactions of the same, in as far as they con-

[Vide note p. 1. ED.]

88 THE RISE AND FALL

cern us. And what I have to say here I shall propose
by way of observations, which may be of some use, I
hope, both to regulate our thoughts and actions, while
we live in the world, in relation to the concerns of the
church of God.

The first observation is, that it may justly be looked
upon as an eminent confirmation of the truth of Chris
tianity, that so wonderful an account should be given of
the transactions of the world, so long before they came
to pass.

The verity of our holy religion is proved from two
things principally viz. miracles and prophecy ; and both
these arguments have been excellently improved by
learned men. But yet, as the first of these was perhaps
the principal and most convincing topic to those that
lived in our Saviour's days ; so I look upon the second
to be the most considerable to those that live in after
ages. Nay, we find that Christ himself did not lay the
foundation of the belief of his mission on miracles alone,
but seemed to build the faith of his disciples chiefly on
the Old Testament prophecies, as he did to the two dis
ciples going to Emmaus (Luke xxiv. 27), &c. ; and I sup
pose, it is too plain to need any proof, that the apostles
did ever insist upon the prophecies of the Old Testament,
more than either upon Christ's miracles or their own, in
order thence to demonstrate, that Christ was the Messias.
" For the testimony of Jesus is the spirit of prophecy,"
(Rev. xix. 10,) i. e. (as I understand the words) the spirit
of prophecy is the great standing evidence and testimony
of the divinity of Christ and of the verity of his word ;
and therefore (as the angel argues with John) he only is
to be worshipped who is truly God, and who inspires his
servants with the gift of knowing things to come.

It has therefore been the work of learned men in all
ages, to prove that Christ was the true Messias, and
consequently that his institution of religion was truly

OF ROME PAPAL. 89

divine, by showing how punctually the Old Testament
prophecies were fulfilled in him. But I am much mis
taken, if an impartial considerer of the New Testament
prophecies may not find some things that do almost as
plainly characterize several later events, as the ancient
prophecies did the former ; and of this, let what I have
said of the sixth and seventh seal, and fifth and sixth
trumpet, and of the slaughter of the witnesses, be taken
as instances; or if this will not be allowed, let it be
considered, that we see the full completion of the Old
Testament prophecies relating to the erection of Chris
tianity, whereas we see not the entire fulfilling of the
apocalyptical ones. Therefore we must make allowance
for the different representation of the one and the other
of these. For they only that shall live after the great
battle of Armageddon is over, can see the exact fulfilling
of this prophecy in the destruction of Antichrist, with the
same advantage they see also the fulfilling of Daniel's
visions, with respect to the coming of the Messiah and
his death. We therefore now have no more advantage,
as to time, in explaining and understanding this latter
event, than the Jews had as to the first, who lived in the
days of the Maccabees, while Daniel's w r eeks of years
were running out ; and I question if they then did under
stand the periods of time they were under, more clearly,
if at all so distinctly, as we do the times that have past
over the Christian church, and that part of time we are
now under. Therefore, I say, we have great reason to
thank God, that so much of this book, is already made so
clear to us, as to prove confirming thus far to our faith.
For whatever differences have been among the most emi
nent interpreters of this book, as to particular calculations
and accomodations of things ; yet they have all of them
agreed in the main foundations of the interpretation
thereof, which I have built upon (excepting Grotius and
Hammond, whose hypothesis has had few followers, and

G

90 THE RISE AND FALL

will have fewer), as Dr. Cressener has irrefragably proved
in his book, entitled, " A demonstration of the first prin
ciples of the Protestant applications of the Apocalypse."
So that there are two things almost equally strange to
me, that the Jews should own the verity of the Old
Testament and particularly of Daniel's prophecy, and not
see that the Messias is come ; and that the papists should
believe the divinity of the New Testament, and particu
larly of the Revelation, and not see that their church is
antichristian. But while I admire the wilful stupidity of
both these parties ; I cannot but admire also the wisdom
of God in making use of both these in his Providence
to confirm to us the verity of Christianity, in prophesy
ing both of the one and the other so long before, and
in continuing them to this day as standing monuments of
the divinity both of the Old and New Testament. But
besides, there is

A second observation, that may be of great use to us
this way also viz., that this book represents to us, as in
a small but exact map, the steadiness and exactness of
Providence, and Christ's government of the world.

For here we see the various and seemingly confused
events of Providence so exactly methodized, as to make
up one uniform and noble piece ; the seeming discords
and jarring sounds of things, being so disposed by infinite
wisdom as to make up one perfect harmony. Here
piety and wickedness, angels and devils, the church and
Antichrist, act various and contrary parts ; and yet Christ
makes use of all for noble purposes, and carries all on for
one great end.

And now, as in other respects so in this, we may take
notice of the perfection of the Holy Scripture ; that
what is wanting in history is made up in prophecy, which,
in some sense, is history also. For, if history, in the
general notion of it, be an account or relation of the
actions of men in the world, prophecy is no less a species

OF ROME PAPAL. 91

of this than that to which the name is most commonly
appropriated. For as that is a relation of things past,
prophecy is an account of things to come. Now, as
Daniel makes up the hiatus or defect of the history of the
Old Testament, so the Kevelation of John supplies that
of the New, by leading us down from Christ's first to his
second coming.

And here let me observe, that these two books give us
the exact plan of a Divine history, which never yet was
given; the only essay towards something of this kind
that I know of, having been given by a near and dear
friend of mine.* For though there have been many ec
clesiastical as well as civil histories written, yet none of
these run in the strain of Scripture history, where all
matters of fact are related, not so much in reference to
men, as in relation to God, and his providence, in go
verning the world.

A third observation is this, that we may now, after
what I have said, attain to a distinct view of what part
of this prophecy is past, and what remains yet to be ful
filled.

Of this I shall say nothing directly at this time,
seeing the preceding scheme I have given of the apoca
lyptical periods may, I humbly hope, afford you a suffi
cient thread to regulate and fix your thoughts and medi
tations in relation to this subject. Only I shall hint
some things to you, that are deducible from what I have
already said this way.

Therefore, first, let me advise you not to suffer your
selves to be deluded with the specious or confident pre
tences of some men ; when they go about to impose, not
only upon themselves, but upon the world, by their
notions relating to the second coming of Christ to judge

* My father, in the third part of his fulfilling of Scripture,
called " Scripture Truth confirmed and cleared, by some eminent
appearances of God for his church, under the New Testament."

G 2

92 THE RISE AND FALL

the world, or to the speedy destruction of the papacy.
I love to expose no man's weaknesses, and I perfectly
abhor the way that of late has become modish, to rip up
and publish personal failings. And, therefore, I shall
neither trample upon the graves of the dead, nor affront
the living : as remembering that we do all know in part,
and prophesy in part only. But, without detracting from
others, I do in faithfulness and love desire ye may not
suffer yourselves to be imposed upon by any vain imagin
ation that the end of things is so near, as some both of
old and of late have pretended to foresee. For, from the
scheme I have given you, ye may easily see, that there
are many and great events to fall out, before the final
fall of antichristianism, and more before the consumma -
tion of all things.

And, secondly, as I would not have you to suffer your
hope to carry you too far, so neither your fear. For, as
the warm imagination of some men has represented to
them the fall of Antichrist and the day of judgment so
near, that these must happen in their times ; so the mel
ancholy and fear of others has so far wrought upon them,
that they have fancied the great slaughter of the wit
nesses is yet to come. And of both these sorts of men,
this observation will be found generally to be true ; that
those over whose reason, fancy and imagination has the
ascendant (whether it be an airy or sprightly, or a dull
and melancholy one), have still limited great events to
their own time, and most commonly to a very few years.
But I am -much mistaken if I have not proved, that the
universal slaughter of the witnesses is already past;
though, at the same time, I do readily grant that there
is just ground to fear, that we are near some very trying
judgments, of some years' continuance. But I have said
enough of this above, and therefore shall add no more
here.

But, thirdly, seeing I have but slightly touched upon

OF ROME PAPAL. 93

the millennium, or the thousand years' reign of the saints
on earth ; I shall desire you to think a little further on
this, as the greatest event that is to happen before the
end of the world.

I dare not, indeed, expatiate upon this vast subject ;
only I shall suggest a few things concerning it. The
first is, that this is to begin immediately after the total
and final destruction of Rome papal, in or about the year
2000 ; and that, therefore, Christ himself will have the
honour of destroying that formidable enemy, by a new
and remarkable appearance of himself, as I said before.
But, secondly, we must not imagine that this appearance
of Christ will be a personal one, no more than his ap
pearance in the destruction of the Jews by Vespasian and
Titus was such; for, "the heavens must retain him,
until the great and last day of the consummation or
restitution of all things." (Acts iii. 21.) Thirdly, yet
we must have a care of confounding this millenary peace
ful state of the church, with the day of judgment ; seeing
nothing is more plainly distinguished, than these are in
the 20th chapter of the Revelation ; where it is told us,
That after the thousand years have expired, Satan shall
again be let loose, and men shall apostatize almost uni
versally from Christ, and make war against the saints ;
and that after the destruction of those enemies, the day
of judgment shall commence. And, therefore, fourthly,
we are not to imagine that the millenary reign of the
saints shall be free from all mixture of hypocrisy and
wicked men, or from sin and trouble ; seeing the sudden
and general apostacy that follows that period is a demon
stration, that all were not Israel that feigned themselves
to be of it, and wanted therefore only an opportunity to
shake of the church's yoke. Nay, the expiration of that
period shows, that long peace and prosperity must have
corrupted the church itself; else it cannot be conceived
to be consistent with the equity and goodness of God, to

94 THE RISE AND FALL

suffer her enemies to go so near to the total extirpation
of his own professing people.

These things I have hinted thus, because I have no
time or room to insist upon them as the subject does re
quire. But I do the more readily pass them now, be
cause a late learned author * has materially considered
them, at least the three last of them; wherein he has
very much confirmed my apocalyptical thoughts, which
several years ago I had entertained upon this head.

And the same author f has prevented my enquiry con
cerning the call of the Jews, and their national conver
sion to Christianity ; for, as I took notice before, I could
never fall in with the strained interpretation of Rev. xvi.
12, as if by the kings of the East, the Jews were to be
understood, and that, consequently, their full conversion
was to be under the sixth vial. Therefore, after various
thoughts upon this head, being satisfied that the Jews
were to be converted, and that this great event could
not be wholly left out in the Revelation, I did at last
conclude, that this must not be (whatever particular con
versions of some part of them might happen) until the final
destruction of the popish party ; whose idolatry, villanies,
lies and legends, and bloody temper, is the chief thing
that prejudices them against Christianity. So that I did
at length conclude, that the resurrection or revival of the
ancient Jewish church, is understood by the resurrection
of the martyrs, (chap. xx. 4,) who being thus added to
the true reformed Christian church, and making up one
body, together with those Gentile believers, in the ful
ness or ripened state of the Gentile church, shall be- to
them as life from the dead. (See Rom. xi. 15 25.)

* Dr. Whitby's Treatise on the Millennium, added to his Para
phrase and Comment on the Epistles,

t The same author, ibid, and on the llth of the Romans, and
in the Appendix to the same.

OF HOME PAPAL. 95

One notion only I crave leave to add to those of the
above-cited author on these heads viz. that I look upon
the millenary state to be the most eminent and illustrious
time of the Christocracy (I hope none will reject the
word, though it be new, seeing it is so expressive of the
thing), wherein Christ will revive, but in a more spiritual
and excellent way, the ancient Theocracy of the Jews.
For, as under Moses, the judges and kings of Judah,
God acted as king of the Jews, (or Christ rather, in a
more peculiar and immediate sense, as I may, perhaps,
have an occasion afterwards, to prove to the world) ; so
I do expect, that after God has delivered his Christian
church from spiritual Egypt, and destroyed his enemies
in the Red Sea of their own blood, he will once more
exert his power and authority, and our blessed Redeemer
will reign as king of his people, not indeed in such a
pompous way as among the Jews of old (for John saw
no temple in the New Jerusalem, Rev. xxi. 22), but in a
way adapted to the New Testament dispensation, and
more immediately preparative unto, and typical of the
state of glory in heaven, after the day of judgment is
over.

And now that I am upon this great prophetical event,
I cannot forbear to give you a new conjecture upon the
last numbers of Daniel. For his seventy weeks of years,
(Dan. ix. 24,) are already remarkably elapsed in the
incarnation and death of our Redeemer. And the num
ber of 2000 days, (chap, viii.) are plainly to be inter
preted of the time of Antiochus Epiphanes, his profan
ation of the sanctuary; for, as it is restricted to that
short period, as is plain to any that will attentively con
sider the words themselves, (ver. 9 14, especially if
compared with ver. 21 26,) so the Spirit of God, by de
signing this period by the title evenings-mornings, i. e.,
natural days, does plainly assure us that we are not to
interpret these days prophetically for years, as we are

96 THE RISE AND FALL

allowed to do the seventy weeks, and other numbers.
To return, therefore, to the last numbers of Daniel : there
are two distinct periods of time, as I take them to be
(though all other interpreters go another way), found
in his 12th chapter. The first is of a time, times,
and a half or three years and a half, (ver. 7,) i. e. 1290
prophetical days, or years, as Daniel himself has it ex
plained to him. (ver. 11.) This, therefore, is the same
period of time that John borrows from Daniel, and ac
commodates to the duration of Rome papal ; excepting
that there is a difference of thirty days or years : only
that era of this period in Daniel is vastly different from
that of John ; for as to the latter, we have seen it already ;
but as to the former, Daniel fixes it at the scattering of
the holy people, or the Jewish nation, (ver. 7,) and at the
taking away the daily sacrifice, and the setting up of the
abomination that maketh desolate, (ver. 11.) Now, our
Saviour, who was certainly the best expositor of his own
word, explains this abomination that maketh desolate,
and which was to pollute and ruin the sanctuary, to
be nothing else but the idolatrous and desolating Ro
man army; as we see by comparing Matthew xxiv. 15,
with Luke xxi. 20, 21. The epocha, therefore, of the
time, times, and a half, in Daniel, or his 1290 years, must
be the year 70 from the birth of our Saviour, when
Jerusalem was taken, if we should consider the beginning
of the setting up the abomination that maketh desolate.
But seeing the era of this number is not the beginning
of the conquest of the Jews, but the complete scattering
of that nation, or " the accomplishing the scattering of
the power of the holy people," as the words are (ver. 7),
and the full setting up of the abomination that maketh
desolate, (ver. 11,) which was not done till Hadrian's time ;
who fully conquered the Jews, and built a city near the
ruins of Jerusalem, which he called JElia, building, at
the same time, a temple to Jupiter, on the ground where

OF ROME PAPAL. 97

the temple had stood, and engraving over the gate of
this new city the figure of a swine, in derision of the
Jews. Now, this work was finished in or about the year
135. From whence the period of 1290 years leads us
down to A.D. 1425, which in prophetical reckoning, is
the year 1407. About which time, the papal power was
at its utmost elevation ; for after this time, the Hussites,
Albigenses, Wickliffites, Waldenses, Picards, &c., began
to fall before the Romanists, until they were, in a man
ner, totally extirpated before another century had well
nigh run out. Now this dismal period expires about this
time ; and then there follows the second period of 1335
days or years, (ver. 12,) which being calculated from the
year 1407, terminates A.D. 2742, i. e. 2722 of prophe
tical reckoning: which, therefore, includes the begun
downfall of the papacy under the seven vials ; and the
final accomplishment thereof afterwards, together with
the* greatest part of the millennium ; and, consequently,
the great conversion of the Jewish nation during that
period. And, perhaps, the begun apostacy of Jewish and
Gentile Christians (which is to issue in an universal war
against the saints, upon the expiration of the millennium),
may begin about that year 2722.

And, now that I have come again upon prophetical
numbers, I shall venture to digress a little more still,
in giving you some further illustration of these two
great periods, from the 14th chapter of the Revelation.
Of which take these few hints at this time. In the
first place, then, ye have a description of Christ's followers
adhering to him, during the reign and rage of Antichrist
(ver. 1 5, inclusive) : which must therefore, reach down
from A.D. 606, or 758 rather, to 1517. After which, we
have the begun revival of the church of Christ, repre
sented in the second place, by the testimonies of the
three angels, succeeding one another. The first angel
has a commission to preach the gospel purely to all

98 THE RISE AND FALL

nations (ver. 6, 7), which must therefore begin with the
preaching of Zuinglius and Luther; and does include,
I humbly suppose, the periods of the four first vials. The
second angel follows, (ver. 8,) and proclaims the fall of
Babylon, or the papacy ; and must therefore be syn-
chronical with the fifth vial, being poured out upon the
seat of the beast. The third angel gives men warning,
that they should not join with the beast, and denounceth
severe judgments against them that shall be found to do
so. (ver. 10, &c.) Which, therefore, relates to the last
part of the time of the sixth vial, when the unclean
spirits go forth to insinuate into the nations, in order to
engage them to make war against the saints, (chap. xvi.
13 16.) Now, after all these things, we have in the
third place, a typical or emblematical account of the deli
verance of the church, and of the destruction of the bloody,
persecuting, antichristian party. Therefore, we have
first, the emblem of an harvest, which seems imme
diately to relate to Christ's gathering his church into a
happy state, (ver. 14 16.) And then, secondly, we
have the representation of the final destruction of the
popish party, under the emblem of a vintage ; wherein
the bloody clusters of the several popish fraternities and
communities are to be bruised and squeezed to death in
the wine-press of God's wrath, (ver. 17 20.) But I
have spoken already to this great period of time above,
which issues in the great millennium, and therefore I
shall say no more to it at this time.

Only there is one thing which falls in my way here,
which ought not to be passed over in silence, and that is,
to what period we are to refer the happy state of the
new Jerusalem (chap, xxi.), and of the blessed river and
tree of life. (chap, xxii.) For I find interpreters at a
mighty loss this way, whether these relate to the millen
nium, or heaven itself, after the day of judgment is past.
And, indeed, there are some things that seem inconsis-

OF ROME PAPAL. 99

tent with either of these states. For what is said of the
nations flocking into this new state, and walking in the
light of it ; and of the kings of the earth, that they shall
bring in their glory and honour to the church, (chap. xxi.
24 26,) seems not to agree with the notion the Scrip
ture gives us of the state of the glorified in the higher
heaven, after the resurrection, but does exactly suit with
the peaceful reign of the saints, when Jerusalem, or the
church, shall be exalted above the nations, who shall all
run into her. And yet, upon the other hand, there are
tilings also that seem to be too great even for the blessed
millennium, as we have given the notion of it above.
Such is the account of the perfection of this state, that it
will be exempted from all death, sorrow, crying, and
pain. (chap, xxi, 4.) And yet, as the former expressions
may be adapted to the state of the church triumphant in
heaven, in a spiritual sense, so these last expressions may
be made to suit also with the state of the church on
earth, during the millennium, in a comparative sense,
i. e. if considered with respect to the preceding afflicted
condition of Christians.

Therefore, seeing this last glorious scene of affairs
may be interpreted in relation either to the one or other
of these periods, I conclude that we ought to interpret it
of both viz. of the millennium, in a first sense, and of
the future glory of the church in heaven, in a second and
complete sense. For, as I observed above, that the sacred
prophecies, particularly that in the 24th chapter of Mat
thew, and 2d chapter of the 2d epistle to the Thessalo-
nians, are to be interpreted both in a first, and second or
ultimate sense ; so do I believe we must of necessity un
derstand the account of the new heavens and new earth,
and of the heavenly Jerusalem, in this book. And if
this be once supposed, then it will be easy to adjust the
seemingly different figures used by the Holy Spirit in
this place, seeing the whole is so contrived, that it may

100 THE RISE AND FALL

correspond both with the millenary state and the future
state of glory viz. to the first as an emblem and type of
the latter. So that, as the destruction of the Jewish
nation and church, is given in such words (Matt, xxiv.)
as to become this way an emblem of the final destruction
of the world, so likewise, is the millennium so painted
and described (Rev. xxi.) as to be designedly given as a
type of the state of the church triumphant in heaven,
after the day of judgment is over.

A fourth observation from what I said before, is this,
that our reformers did not rashly, but upon just grounds,
desert the church of Rome as antichristian and apo-
statical.

For not to insist upon prophetical indications of the
Roman church being indeed the great Antichrist, there
are four things that lay a just foundation for all honest
men's leaving that interest viz. 1. Gross errors: such
as purgatory, human merits, and works of supererogation,
indulgences, transubstantiation, &c. 2. Horrid idolatry :
in worshipping angels, saints, and canonized persons,
together with images, statues, crucifixes, and a conse
crated wafer. 3. The pretended infallibility of the
Roman See, in imposing upon men's consciences what
they please, and debarring us from reading the Scriptures
ourselves, or making use of our own reason in the matters
of religion. And 4. The dreadful tyranny of that party,
seen and felt both in their inhuman cruelties, persecutions,
massacres, and diabolical barbarities, used against all
those that differ from them. For the proof of all which
things let Chamierus be consulted, together with " Hey-
degerus de Babylone magna, Turretinus de necessaria
Secessione ab Ecclesia Romania," and besides innumerable
others, Stillingfleet's late pieces against the Romanists.
For my time allows me not now to enlarge upon any of
these heads.

Only, that I may not leave you without some speci-

OF ROME PAPAL. 101

men of popery, I shall copy out in English the twelve
articles of the Eomish faith, additional to the twelve
Christian ones, which are contained in the Apostle's
Creed, as to the sum and substance of them. These
twelve additional articles are contained in the famous
bull of Pope Pius the IVth, dated at Rome in the year
1563, in the ides of November, and the fifth year of his
pontificate, which is to be found at the end of the printed
canons and decrees of the council of Trent ; where, after
an enumeration of the primitive articles, beginning with
Credo in unum Deum, c. " I believe in one God, &c,"
he proceeds to charge all men that would be saved, to
own and swear unto the following articles also : ana
thematizing all that do not so. These begin thus
Apostolicas et ecclesiasticas traditiones, <$<?., which take in
English thus :

" 1. I do also (/. e. together with the articles of the
Apostle's Creed) most firmly admit and embrace the
apostolical and ecclesiastical traditions, and all other ob
servations and constitutions of the same (i. e. the Roman)
Church.

"2. I do admit the Sacred Scripture in the same sense
that holy Mother Church doth, whose business it is to
judge of the true sense and interpretation of them ;
which I will receive and interpret according to the unani
mous consent of the fathers.

"3. I do profess and believe, that there are seven
Sacraments of the new law, truly and properly so called,
instituted by Jesus Christ our Lord, and necessary to the
salvation of mankind, though not all of them to every
person. These are, baptism, confirmation, eucharist,
penance, extreme unction, orders, and marriage, which
do all of them confer grace. And I do believe, that of
these, baptism, confirmation, and orders, may not be
repeated without sacrilege. I do also receive and admit
the received and approved rites of the catholic (/. e. Ro-

102 THE RISE AND FALL

man) church, in her solemn administration of the above
said sacraments.

" 4. I do receive all and every thing that hath been
defined and declared by the holy council of Trent, con
cerning Original Sin and Justification.

" 5. I do profess, that in the Mass there is offered to
God, a true, proper, and propitiatory sacrifice for the
quick and the dead. And that in the most holy sacra
ment of the Eucharist, there is truly, really, and sub
stantially, the body and blood, together with the soul
and Divinity, of our Lord Jesus Christ ; and that there
is a conversion made of the whole substance of the bread
into the body, and of the whole substance of the wine
into the blood ; which conversion the Catholic Church
calls Transubstantiation.

" 6. I confess, that under one kind only, whole and
entire Christ, and a true sacrament, is taken and received.

" 7. I do firmly believe that there is a Purgatory, and
that the souls kept prisoners there, do receive help by the
suffrages of the faithful.

"8. I do likewise believe that the saints reigning with
Christ are to be worshipped and prayed unto ; and that
they do offer prayers unto God for us, and that their relics
are to be had in veneration.

"9. I do most firmly assert, that the images of Christ,
of the blessed Virgin, the mother of God, and of other
saints, ought to be had and retained; and that due
honour and veneration ought to be given to them.

"10. I do affirm, that the power of indulgences was
left by Christ in the church ; and that the use of them
is very beneficial to Christian people.

"11. I do acknowledge the holy Catholic and Apo
stolic Roman church, to be the mother and mistress of
all churches : And I do promise and swear true obedience
to the bishop of Rome, the successor of St. Peter, the
prince of the apostles, and vicar of Jesus Christ.

OF ROME PAPAL. 103

" 12. I do undoubtedly receive and profess all other
things which have been delivered, defined, and declared
by the sacred canons and oecumenical councils, and
especially by the holy synod of Trent; and all things
contrary thereunto, and all heresies condemned, rejected,
and anathematized by the church, I do likewise condemn,
reject, and anathematize."

Lo ! here, my friends, ye have a fair prospect of
popery, without any misrepresentation, or so much as
comment ; for these are the words of the creed itself,
which all papists are obliged to believe and profess, in
order to salvation ; and which all those that enter into
religious orders do solemnly swear unto. And, therefore,
it is plain that these things are not looked upon by the
church of Rome as disputable opinions, but as necessary
articles of faith ; and therefore, let the author of the
Case of the Regale and Pontificate, see how he can
make good the last concluding words of his book, which
are these : Concors Romance et Reformat Ecdesice Fides,
&c. : i. e. " the faith of the Roman and Reformed Church
doth agree," or "is the same," &c. For if these
things be so slight and trivial to him, that he can (as the
Popish Gallican church doth) swallow and digest all,
excepting the llth article; he must pardon others, if
they continue in the faith of the reformed church, as that
which is opposite to the Roman creed, in so many mo
mentous particulars.

Nay, let me add one thing further here, as a necessary
consectary or inference from what I have said, in relation
to this consideration we are still upon : that as our
reformers did justly separate from the Romish church ;
so we have just ground also to continue separated from
that antichristian party.

Let others, under pretence of a dread of what they
call schism, run back into antichristian errors and here
sies. Let them, if they are so disposed, forsake pure

104 THE RISE AND FALL

Christianity, that they may promote the priest's power,
and adorn their altars with gold and jewels. And let
them, in order to enslave men's consciences and bodies
both, sound a retreat to Babylon again. We, I hope,
know our duty better, than to run the risk of damning
our souls, by becoming renegades to that bloody and
wicked party, against whose abominations so many
thousands of our ancestors witnessed, under racks and
torments, and at the stake in Smithfield and elsewhere.
They believed that what they did and suffered was in
obedience to the call of God, saying, Come out from the
apostate Romish church, my people, that ye be not par
takers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues :
for her sins have reached unto heaven, and God hath
remembered her iniquities. (Rev. xviii. 4, 5.) And God
forbid that any temptation should bring any of us back
again to that sink of all impurities and errors, after
we have enjoyed the sunshine of the gospel, in its purity,
and power, so long. Therefore, seeing we know what
interest we are to keep to, let us be faithful to it, by
doing all we can for its security, establishment, and
honour. And if God call us to suffer for it, let us act as
the former heroes of the reformation have done before us,
that Christ may be glorified and the church edified by us,
whether it be by doing or suffering, by life or by death.

The fifth and last observation that I shall propose to
your thoughts, as the conclusion of all I have said, is
this, that though we are not to live to see the great and
final destruction of the papacy, the blessed millennium,
or Christ's last coming to judge the world : yet, seeing
death is the equivalent of all these to us, if we be so happy
as to get into Paradise ; we ought, therefore, accordingly,
to spend and improve our time, that we may partake of
the future glory when we go hence.

I say, death is the equivalent of all these things to us,
if we be so happy as to get into Paradise. For then we

OF ROME PAPAL. 105

shall get the conquest over all antichristian enemies, and
be with Christ in a better state than any earthly millen
nium can be supposed to be, waiting until He come to
judge the world, and till we appear also with him in
glory, having reassumed our then glorious bodies.

Improve your tune, therefore, and all the opportunities
and advantages of it, with your utmost diligence and
seriousness, as remembering that ye are dying and
accountable creatures, and that your time is given you
for this very end, that ye may prepare for a better world.

And now that we see the beginning not only of a new
year, but of a new age, I must give a further vent to my
zeal and concern for your souls' good, upon this great
and practical head viz. the improvement of time with
respect to the upper world, that when I am gone, I may,
by what I have said, and am about to say, continue to
speak still to those that shall survive me, and even (if
this Discourse last so long) to succeeding generations
also. And I suppose ye will the more readily bear with
me in this, when ye remember with what unanimity and
importunity ye desired me to print a Sermon on this
head, which I preached on New Year's Day, 1699, from
Psalm xc. 12. For, seeing I was prevented in yielding
to your desire then, I shall lay hold on this opportunity
to make amends, in some measure at least, for that
seeming neglect, by presenting you with some useful
hints on this subject.

And here, as I begin to speak on this head, the
story of Xerxes comes to my remembrance ; who, when
he saw his vast army of a thousand thousand men march
by (with whom he expected to have swallowed up the
poor Grecians), is reported to have wept, upon this
thought, that before a hundred years should run out,
none of all that multitude would be alive ; little imagin
ing, that before the end of that very year, he was to see
the destruction of almost all of them, and draw his last

H

106 THE RISE AND FALL

breath himself also. For, methinks, it is a serious and
weighty thing to think, that before the end of this
century, all those that now make a figure in the world,
will have finished their course, and be gathered into
heaven or hell ; new actors coming upon the stage, in
their stead. And yet, while I lengthen out my medi
tation to the end of a century, I find just reason to con
tract my thoughts ; and I suppose I see both you and all
others, that crowd our streets and places of worship, or
fill remoter islands and continents, gradually dropping
into an eternity, some this year, some the next, and so on.
But to proceed to the consideration of the subject in
hand : I suppose I need not tell you what we are to un
derstand by the improvement of time ; seeing this is too
plain to need any explication in a general sense. And
neither can it be dark to Christians, in a spiritual sense.
For it can denote nothing else, but such a rational and
religious regulation of our time, and disposal of our
talents and opportunities, especially as we live under the
advantages and means of the gospel, that we may ever
be occupied in doing and getting good, so as to find
favour in the sight of God, and attain afterwards to the
happy enjoyment of him. For, seeing, as the apostle
says (2 Cor. vi. 1, 2), now is our accepted time and day
of salvation, we ought to take heed to ourselves, that we
receive not the grace of God in vain. We ought to
reckon, therefore, that this space of our life is given us,
that we may be taken up in promoting the honour of
God, and our own and other men's good, as being, in ah 1
these respects, in a state of trial. Let us, therefore
improve our time, by labouring to gain our own assent
and consent fully to the terms of the gospel, by studying
the word of God more and more, by a close and impartial
trial of ourselves, by frequent and fervent prayer, and
by a universal and constant obedience to all God's laws
and institutions. And let us argue ourselves into this

OF ROME PAPAL. 107

*s our duty, by considering how dearly our Lord Jesus
has purchased our day of grace and opportunity of sal
vation ; how many have been damned and lost for ever,
by their not improving this talent of time ; how dreadful
the condemnation of such will be who choose darkness
rather than light ; how unreasonable it is to be so careful
of the body, and so regardless of the soul ; how strange
it is, that we should not do that for our eternal advan
tage, which worldlings do for a little temporal gain;
and lastly, how uncertain we are of the continuance of
our time and season of grace.

And seeing, in order to improve time aright, we
ought to lay hold of all the special seasons and peculiar
opportunities which God puts into our hands for this
end; these will deserve to be particularly considered
by us. But since it is the work of prudence, that every
man know and observe his own circumstances and pro
vidential occurrences, in order to a right improvement
of them accordingly ; all that I can do here, is to hint
at some generals this way. Therefore 1. Let me advise
you to make a right improvement of the circumstances
of your outward lot in the world. Are ye in a state of
prosperity ? Then, be thankful to your gracious Bene
factor ? Are ye honoured ? Improve this, that God may
be honoured through you. Are ye in any place of
power and authority ? Lay yourselves out to advance the
kingdom of God among men. Are ye rich ? Eemem-
ber what Solomon says, that " Wisdom is good with an
inheritance" (Eccles. vii. 11); and therefore serve God
with what he gives you. But if ye be in adversity, de
spond not, but remember, that as prosperity gives men
greater advantages for doing good, adversity affords more
seasons, usually, for getting good. For in the day of
adversity we are more ready to think and consider, than
in the time of prosperity, as Solomon says (Eccles. vii.):
for then is the time and season to consider the vanity and

H 2

108 THE RISE AND FALL

uncertainty of the world, to know ourselves better, and
God more, and to prepare more readily and thoroughly
for another world. 2. Improve your circumstances in
relation to company or retirement. If ye be hurried
with company, labour to gain that by them, which may
in some measure make up your loss of time. If ye can
get no good from them, then study, if possible, to do
them good, by insinuating what may tend to their
advantage, and then ye can have no reason to reckon
your time lost. But if we enjoy the company of good
and wise men, it is not to be believed what profit and
advantage may be got by mutual discourses to edifica
tion, where men are communicative, and can bear with
different apprehensions about things, without running
into heats and quarrelings. But if we are shut out
from company, we may justly look upon solitude and
retirement, as a happy opportunity of advantage and
profit, if we do but know how to improve the same,
by filling up such seasons with study, meditation, and
prayer. 3. Improve the means and opportunities of
grace and salvation. For the end of all that Christ has
suffered and done for us, is to redeem us from all ini
quity, and to purify us to himself, a people zealous of
good works. (Tit. ii. 14.) Therefore let us so hear the
word preached, and so join with the prayers of the
church, and so partake of the ordinances of Christ,
particularly that of the Lord's supper, that we may be
built up a spiritual house, as lively stones, concurring
to the raising up of such an edifice ; and that we may
become also a holy priesthood, to offer up spiritual sacri
fices, acceptable by Jesus Christ to God. (1 Pet. ii. 5.)
And 4. If at any time or upon any occasion, ye find
the Spirit of God to move your thoughts and affections
more sensibly than usual, as the angel moved the waters
of the pool, of old ; oh ! my friends, neglect not such
a fair 'gale and favourable opportunity, but improve

OF ROME PAPAL. 109

this happy season, and strike the iron when hot and
malleable. For how dreadful must it be to quench the
Holy Spirit, and stifle the convictions, motions, and in
fluences thereof, especially such as are sensible and
peculiar !

But seeing, to begin aright, is one great mean to
carry on a thing successfully, we ought to set about the
improving of our time as early as we can, without any
delay or procrastination in a matter of this weight and
moment. For it is only our present time that we can
reckon ours. For as our yesterdays are irrecoverable, so
our to-morrows are but may-bes and uncertainties.
Therefore we are always called to hear God's voice to
day, if we will do it at all. And therefore, let us not
delay, but make haste to keep God's righteous and holy
commandments. (See Heb. iii. 7, 13, 15 ; iv. 7 ; 2 Cor.
vi. 2 ; Luke xix. 42 ; Isa. Iv. 6 ; Job xxii. 21 ; Matt. v.
25 ; Psalm cxix. 60.)

Now, if we would improve our time and life to ad
vantage this way, let us be sure not to neglect the
morning of time. And here, then, let me put you in
mind of four mornings of time. The 1st is the morning
of your life, L e. the time of your youth, health, and
strength. Such of you as have lost this season, in
whole or in part, pray double your diligence, in the
improvement of what remains of your time. But such
of you as are young, be advised to remember your
Creator in the days of your youth (Eccles. xii. 1), and
act so as you may afterwards look back upon your past
days with satisfaction and pleasure. 2. The morning
of every day is a time to be peculiarly improved for
God and your own good ; for the doing so has a mighty
influence upon us as to the right spending of the rest of
the day. It is a season, that is not only arnica musis,
a friend of study, as the old saying is, but that is favour
able also oralioni et devotioni, to prayer and devotion;

110 THE RISE AND FALL

for while our minds are fresh and undisturbed with the
hurries of company and business, it is certainly the fittest
time for duty as well as study. And, therefore, the
saints of old were careful not to neglect this season, (see
Psalm v. 3 ; xcii. 2 ; Job i. 5 ; Mark i. 35 ; Acts vi. 21.)
3. Improve the morning of every week carefully, viz.
the Lord's day. For as we discharge our duty then, we
may expect God's blessing through the week, more or
less. But if we refuse to give God what is his due on
his own day, we must not think it strange, if God with
draw from us on those days that he has allowed us to
serve ourselves upon. And hence it is no wonder, if we
find that true, which many have confessed with sorrow
at the hour of death, that the profanation of the Lord's day
has been the inlet to all their after-sins and miseries both.
And 4. Perhaps it may not be unprofitable for us, to set
apart the morning of every year, to review what we have
done, and what has happened to us the year past, and to
beg God's blessing through the year following. It has
been the practice of some holy persons to do this ; some
reckoning the year, as it is usual with us in our compu
tations, from the 1st of January; and others reckoning
from the day of their birth, or baptism, or conversion ;
in all which every one may take which way pleaseth
him best. And now, that we enter iipon the morning
or beginning of a new century, let me beseech you to
begin this work now, if ye have neglected it during the
years of the last age, which ye have run through,
whether these have been more or fewer.

Having thus given you an account of time, and the
opportunities and seasons of it to be improved, I shall
proceed to recommend this duty from three considera
tions, and then to direct you how to do it, by proposing
three rules, to be observed this way.

In the first place, therefore, let me earnestly recom
mend this duty to you from three weighty considerations,

OF ROME PAPAL. Ill

The first consideration is this, that it is the duty and
wisdom of every one of us, to be duly and deeply im
pressed with the sense of the worth and value of time.

I might take occasion here to shew you, from innu
merable examples, that the best and wisest men, in all
ages, both Christians and heathens, have been under
the deepest and most constant impressions of the value
of time. But as this would be too long for this place,
so it is needless to insist upon it, seeing I believe ye can
as little form an idea of a wise or good man, that does
not value and improve time, as I can.

Therefore, I suppose, there is no need to prove to you
the worth and preciousness of time. To you, I say, who
know the uncertainty of it, and yet how much depends
upon the improvement and loss of it. But if any of you
need any awakening this way, consider how valuable
time will appear to a convinced sinner when he lies upon
a death-bed, who sees himself dropping into another
world, and yet apprehends that his peace is not made
with God. Oh, cries the poor wretch, that I had spent
less of my time on the world and my lusts, and more of
it minding the good of my own soul ! Oh that I had
those hours and days back again that I spent in taverns
and bad company ! Oh for a year, or a month, or a week,
at least, of health and strength, to make my peace with
God ! And pray, my friends, were ye never sick, and
under some such thoughts then ? Were ye not sensible
then of mis-spent time? Or did ye never promise
amendment and reformation, if God should recover you ?
Where is now the performance of your vows ? Oh, if
there be any that forget God, and neglect to do as they
have promised and resolved, let them consider their duty
and interest in time, lest God tear them in pieces, when
there is none to deliver them. Alas ! my friends, what
would those poor wretches give for one day, nay for one
hour, who are now. in the infernal prison ? What would

112 THE RISE AND FALL

they give for one offer of a Saviour, who are now lament
ing their slighting of the gospel, and their mis-spending
their time and opportunities of salvation ? Therefore do
ye learn to value time more, and improve it better, be
fore it be too late to retrieve lost opportunities. And
this leads me to another consideration. Therefore,

The second consideration is, that it is our wisdom, not
only to be impressed with the sense of the worth and
value of time, but to be duly and deeply affected arid
influenced this way, so as to set about the improvement
of it, as our greatest and most concerning duty and
interest.

For it is not speculation but practice that we are to
mind here : and therefore, if our apprehensions of the
worth of time do not influence us to improve it, they will
only tend to our greater condemnation. Therefore, that
what I have said may so affect you, as to incite you to
your duty this way ; I shall not grudge a little pains in
writing further on this head, in hope that ye will not
be weary in reading what is written. Take it not amiss
therefore, if I address you with some seriousness and
warmth of affection, and through you, all others that may
cast their eyes upon these sheets.

My dear friends, some of you have li ved twenty, some
thirty, some forty, some fifty, some sixty, or more years
in the world. - Now, I beseech you to consider what ye
have been doing all this time. Have your performances
borne any proportion to the mercies ye have received from
God ? Have ye been faithful to improve your talents
for your God and Saviour? Have your convictions
brought forth a saving conversion ? Have your resolu
tions and promises been all performed ? Has it been a
matter of conscience to you, to serve God with the best
of your time, the greatest vigour of your thoughts, the
utmost energy of love and delight, and, in a word, with
all your heart and strength ?

OF ROME PAPAL. 113

If ye have been deficient this way, then pray consider
not only how impossible it is to bring back any part of
the time that is past, but how little, or, at least, how un
certain the time is, that remains to be lived over. And
if any be secure this way, because they are young, or
strong and healthful, let them remember how often the
old carry the young to the grave, and the weak and
sickly see robust and vigorous persons drop off before
them. And what is our life at longest ? Does not the
Scripture labour, as it were, under a want of metaphors,
to describe its vanity, when it compares it to a hand-
breadth, a span, a vapour, the grass that is soon mowed
down, the flower that quickly fades, the shadow that de
clines, and the tale that is told ? How poor a thing then
is it, to be able no otherwise to number our days and
years, than by our being born at such a time, and having
lived to such another time? There is, therefore, no
more unreasonable desire in the world, than to live long,
where there is no concern to live well : for this is only to
wish to have more time to mis-spend, to sin longer than
others, and to be more miserable in the other world.
Besides that, it is impossible, as the course of things is
now, to live long in a proper sense : for, as the following
distich expresses it,

Vivere quisque, diu quarit, bene vivere nemo :
At bene quisque potest, vivere nemo diu.

That is

To live long, all desire ; to live well, none :
Yet all may live well, but none can live long.

For is it not for this very end that time is given us,
that it may be improved and lived well, in order to our
being fitted and prepared for the happy state of a
glorious immortality? Surely God did never make so
glorious a creature as man, endued with an immortal
soul, merely to live the life of the beast, to eat, and

114 THE RISE AND FALL

drink, and sleep, or to enjoy his sensitive lusts and plea
sures ?

Think then, my friend^s, that according as ye improve
or mis-improve time, ye are to be happy or miserable for
an eternity. For we are now in a state of trial, and
upon our behaviour, in order to be rewarded or punished
afterwards, as we shall be found to have acted, when we
come to be judged : therefore we may rejoice now and
take our pleasure as we please (Eccl. xi. 9) ; but we have
reason to rejoice with trembling, (Ps. ii. 11,) when we
remember that we are to be called before God, and
judged for all we do now. For they that li ve in the
flesh (1 Pet. iv. 2, 5,) according to their lusts, must give
an account to him, that is to be the Judge of the quick
and the dead. And then every one of them will hear
that dreadful word, " Take the unprofitable servant, and
cast him into the outer darkness, where there shall be
weeping and gnashing of teeth." (Matt. xxv. 25.)

Consider, therefore, that it is impossible to recall any
moment of time that is lost, in a proper and physical
sense : and that thus it is a foolish and ridiculous wish,
mild prcetentos referat si Jupiter annos ! " O if God
would give me back the years that are past ! " But yet
in a moral sense, we may be said to bring back past time,
when, by doubling onr diligence, we do, in some sort,
retrieve the mis-improvement of former days. But then
it must be remembered, that this must be done now or
never ; for if our time comes to an end here, there is no
returning to a state of trial again, such as we now enjoy :
" If a man die, shall he live again ? " No, alas, says
Job : " For, as the cloud is consumed, and vanisheth away ;
so he that goeth to the grave, shall come up no more,
(i. e. to live on earth again, as the following words ex
plain the meaning.) He shall return no more to his
house, neither shall his place know him any more."
Therefore let us all say with him, and improve the thought,

OF ROME PAPAL. 115

" When a few years are come, then I shall go the way
whence I shall not return." (See Job vii. 9, 10, xiv. 14,
xvi. 22.)

Now, besides all these things, it may be of great use
to enforce this consideration, to take a view of the com
plexion and genius of our age, or the time wherein we live.
For if the apostle Paul, when he exhorts his contemporary
Christians to redeem the time, gives this as the reason of
his advice, "Because the days are evil," (Eph. v. 16,)
I am sure we have much more reason to call the days
wherein we live by this name. For the sense of the apo
stle, when he calls the days wherein he lived, evil days,
is no doubt this chiefly, if not only, that they were afflic
tive and perilous times ; for times of trouble are called
evil times, or evil days, frequently in Scripture. (See Gen.
xlvii. 9 ; Psal. Ixxvii. 2 ; Amos v. 13, 18.) But we may
justly take this in a larger sense, in reference to our times ;
for an age or time may be denominated evil, either with
respect to the abounding of errors, profaneness, or ca
lamities. And upon all these accounts these days of ours
may be justly said to be evil. For as to errors, how many
and how gross are these ! How many deny the Lord
that bought them ! How many oppose his Divinity and
satisfaction both ! Yea, how many revile him as an im-
poster, and ridicule all revealed religion ! Nay, how
many dare blaspheme God, and deny his being, and
even the first principles of natural religion? And as
to profaneness and immorality, where did we ever hear or
read of more among Christians? Nay, it may be a
question, if ever the heathens were worse than most
Christians are now. And again, as for calamities and
troubles, we see what other churches have suffered of
late, and do suffer still ; and we see in how tottering a
condition all the Protestant interest is. And though I
believe, it will prove a burdensome stone to the enemies
of Christ ; yet how far God may suffer them to prevail

116 THE RISE AND FALL

for a time, none of us know : only I am afraid we are
upon the brink of very great troubles. And that (as I
have hinted already), as we have been, like Israel of old,
peculiarly blest with mercies and privileges, and are as
peculiar and singular in sinning ; so we are like to be
punished in a peculiar and particular manner also. So
that if there be (as sure there is) a rule to judge of the
connexion of mercies, sins, and judgments, we may see
our case, as well as that of Israel of old, in the propheti
cal threatenings of God to that people, when he says,
" You only have I known of all the families of the earth ;
therefore will I punish you for all your iniquities." (Amos
iii. 2.)

Seeing, therefore, this is the state and complexion
of our time, let us take heed to ourselves, that we be not
involved in the sins of it, lest we come under the judg
ments also that seem to hasten on this generation. Con
sider, for this end, the Apostle's advice ; " Beware, (says
he,) lest as the serpent beguiled Eve, so your minds
should be corrupted from the simplicity that is in Christ."
(2 Cor. xi. 3.) Let us not, therefore, hear the instruc
tion that causeth us to err from the words of knowledge,
(Prov. xix. 27), but let us beware, lest, being led away
with the error of the wicked, we fall from our own stead
fastness. (2 Pet. iii. 17.)

But yet be not so selfish as to mind only your own
concerns, but remember that ye are members of a
city, of a church and nation, and that ye are members
also of the catholic church of Christ, that is everywhere
dispersed. And therefore act as under all these ties and
relations. And if ye can do no more, intercede at least
with God, that he may be gracious : stand in the gap,
that ye may, if possible, avert his displeasure. Act,
therefore, as serious, faithful, and importunate remem
brancers of the Lord, giving him no rest, but crying unto
him night and day, until he arise, and until he make his

OF ROME PAPAL. 117

Zion and Jerusalem a praise in the whole earth. (See
Isa. Ixii. 6, 7 ; Luke xviii. 7.)

There is yet a third consideration, which I would add
to the former, in order the more effectually to recom
mend this duty to you viz. the improvement of your
time. And this is what is indeed frequently insisted
upon, but I am afraid, very little lived up to viz. that
we are in the sight, and under the inspection of an all-
seeing God, who is to be our Judge at last.

O, my friends, is this only a matter of speculation to you ?
Dare any of you do that in the sight of God, which ye
would be ashamed to do in the face of the world ?

Even the heathen moralist, Seneca, adviseth men to
act in all things, as if they had both God, and the wisest
and best of men looking on. " Set Cato, Scipio, or
Loelius before you," says he, "or some such excellent
person, upon whose appearing even the most wicked
person would be frighted from doing amiss openly." But
he adds in another place, " What will it avail you to hide
yourselves and your actions from men, since there is
nothing concealed from God? For he looks into our
breasts, and is present in our very minds and hearts."
And elsewhere, "It avails a man nothing," says he,
"to shut up or stifle conscience, since every thing we
do lies open to God's view ; and therefore our great wis
dom is to act so, that we may approve ourselves to him."

How consonant are such expressions to the sacred
standard of our holy religion ! and what shall we answer
to our Master at the great day, if we suffer such persons
to exceed and outrun us, who are Christians ? Let us,
therefore, mind the principle that swayed Joseph when
he said under a very great temptation, considering his
low and obnoxious condition, " Shall I do this great
wickedness and sin against God ?" (Gen. xxxix. 9.) And
let us imitate David, who set the Lord always before him,
and looked upon him as present at his right hand, to the

118 THE RISE AND FALL

end that he might never be moved, but be encouraged
still to trust in him. (Psalm xvi. 8.) For we are ever to
remember that our secret, as well as public sins, are set
in the light of God's countenance, (Psalm xc. 8,) seeing
the darkness hides us no more from God, than the meri
dian light of the sun. (Psalm cxxxix. 12.)

But we must consider likewise, that we have not only
a constant witness and inspector of our actions without
us, but one within us, even our own conscience, which
doth excuse or accuse us, according as we behave and
act. And as one says well on this head " Quid prodest
non habere conscium, habenti consdentiamf i. e. "What
avails it to have no witness to our actions, while we
have a conscience that keeps an exact register of all
we do? Only we must remember that this is but a
secondary witness : " For if our heart condemns us, God
is greater than our heart, and knows all things." (1 John
iii. 20.)

And now, my friends, I have done with what I had to
say to the three considerations, from which I proposed to
recommend and enforce this great duty of improving your
time. And I leave it to you to consider whether what I
have said be not sufficient this way, through the blessing
of God, and your pains and concern to apply to your
selves what has been said.

Therefore, in the second place, I proceed to direct
you, how ye may attain rightly and successfully to
improve your time to the best advantage, as ye are
Christians and accountable creatures. And this I shall
do, by proposing three rules, which will take in all that
is necessary and useful this way, though the first rule is
the principal and only direct one, which doth take in the
whole of our duty this way ; the second and third being
only subservient unto this, though exceedingly useful, if
not necessary also in their places.

OF ROME PAPAL. 119

The first rule is this : that ye take heed that ye lose
not your time, and the opportunities and seasons thereof,
by sin and vanity ; but that it be always filled up with
the conscientious and diligent discharge of all necessary
duties.

This being, as I said already, the principal rule, in
order to the regulation of our time ; and being so con
trived, as to direct us both negatively and positively, as
to what we are to avoid and what we are to do, I shall
accordingly consider it distinctly in both the parts of it.

The first part of this rule teaches us how time is lost,
and w T hat we are therefore to avoid, in order to the right
improvement of it. And it is necessary to premise this,
before we consider the other part : for we can only then
apply ourselves to fill up our time wisely, in the per
formance of those duties, in the discharge whereof, the
redemption and improvement of time consists, when we
apprehend what those things are, which are detrimental
and hurtful to our souls, both here and hereafter.

Now, in the general, we are to take care to rescue
our time out of the hands of those two great robbers,
that thieve it away from us viz. Sin and Vanity. For
as we are carefully to avoid the mis-spending of our time,
by thinking, doing, or speaking what is sinful in itself;
so we are to take heed of such things, which, though
they are not simply sinful in themselves, are yet such
trivial matters or by-concerns, as become sinful to us,
when we spend too much tune upon them, or mind them
as if they were our most weighty and principal business.

But because those things that are evil and sinful in
themselves, such as blasphemies and lies, immorality and
profaneness, ought not to be so much as named among
Christians, or have a moment's time allowed them, so
as to be entertained or thought upon with delight or
design, far less brought forth in life and action, we shall

120 THE RISE AND FALL

therefore pass by these wholly at present, in order to
consider those things that, though lawful in themselves,
ought not to be so minded as to take up all or most of
our time. Allow me, then, to give you my advice in
these things following.

Be not too prodigal of your time in the gratification
of your senses, and the services of your body. Let the
cultivation and adorning of your souls, take up more of
your time, than the clothing and dressing your bodies.
Be not buried in sleep and sloth too long, while time is
so short and uncertain, and ye have so much business to
fill it up with. Neither do ye allow yourselves more
time than is necessary or convenient, for the feeding and
pampering of your bodies. Be not like them, therefore,
who are so severely reproved by God, for living sensually
in this world, when they ought to have minded higher
things. Of whom this sad character is given ; that they
put away far from them the evil day ; that they lay
upon beds of ivory, and did eat the lambs out of the
flock, and the calves out of the stall, chanting at the
sound of the viol, drinking wine out of bowls, and
anointing themselves with the chiefest ointments ; but
that, in the mean time, they were altogether unmindful
of the state of the church, and no way grieved for the
afflictions of Joseph. (Amos vi. 3 6.) " Therefore (as
the apostle exhorts, Eom. xiii. 13, 14,) let us walk
honestly, as in the day (or clear sunshine of the gospel),
not in rioting (or in dancings) and in drunkenness, not in
chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying :
for these things (says he) are the making provision for
the flesh, to fulfil the lusts thereof."

Spend not too much of your precious time in divertive
exercises and recreations. We may, indeed, use these
not only lawfully but profitably, both with respect to
the health and strength of the body, and the vigour even
of the mind ; which being unbended for a while with

OF ROME PAPAL. 121

innocent amusements, will be in better case to return
again to close thinking. But we must not make recre
ation our business, as too many do, who are so intoxicated
with the secret witchery of gaming, as to have their
minds rendered almost incapable of any close application
to serious and important matters.

Spend not too much of your time in company and
discourse, unless business oblige you to do so. The com
pany of atheistical and wicked men, especially if they be
witty, and of an engaging temper, carries commonly an
infection with it, and their discourse breathes a secret
and insinuating poison, that every one has not a strong
enough antidote in his nature to resist. And though
the company we associate ourselves with be good, yet
we are to remember the old saying, amid sunt fures
temporis, that friends are frequently the thieves that rob
us of our time ; the commodity that, of all others, we are
to be most parsimonious of, seeing we can never retrieve
its loss. To visit friends is often a great duty ; but it
is frequently to the hurt both of the visitors and visited
that these are made. For as much time is commonly
lost this way to no purpose, so the discourses that are
the entertainment of most companies, are too often mere
vanity, if not worse ; for it is too customary at such
times to give way to foolish talking and jesting, or to
censorious reflections upon other persons. There is an
innocent freedom indeed, and facetiousness in discourse,
which is both allowable and pleasant ; but, alas, how
soon doth this degenerate, if great care be not taken to
keep our minds to a right poise ! And if I appear to
any to be too rigid in what I say on this head, let it be
remembered, that Christ has forewarned us, that we
must give an account of every idle word, as well as un
warrantable action, in the day of judgment. (Matt. xii.
36.) As, therefore, we are to avoid moroseness on the
one hand, so are we to take care that we tire not our

I

122 THE RISE AND FALL

friends by too frequent or too long visits. There are
some such friends in the world, though very rare to be
found, who, the more they are together, do the more
love and profit one another. But as to ordinary friends,
the case is quite otherwise. In relation to whom, Solo-
man gives this wise advice, " Withdraw thy foot from thy
neighbour's house, lest he bo at last weary of thee, and
so hate thee. (Prov. xxv. 17.) That is, according to
the gloss of some upon the words, Make thyself precious,
wear not out every man's threshold, by obtruding thyself
iipon them ; neither make thyself vulgar and cheap, as a
mean commodity, that is every man's money.

But remember also, that ye may be guilty of mis
spending your time in vain and unprofitable musings, as
well as in vain discourse. Idle thoughts are as foolish
a mis-spence of time* as idle words. For every sort of
thinking and meditating is not judicious, no more than
holy. And though a man think not upon his lusts, he
may think very impertinently, and consequently sinfully.

And this is not only the fault and weakness of ple
beian, but of learned heads, who mis -spend time frequently
as much as any other sort of men, upon their difficiles
nugce, their useless, yet painful curiosities and niceties.
This was the custom of the learned doctors of old
Athens, who spent their days in almost nothing else but
telling or hearing some new notion, scheme, or theory,
and then disputing, pro et contra, for and against it.
(Acts xvii. 21.) But while they were earnest to dispute
about forma substantialis, universale a parte rei, fuga
vacui, apathies, the possibility of motion, and such like
nugce and whims, they forgot God and solid religion,
and were such sceptics, or superstitiously ignorant (for
ye may interpret the words either way), that in the
midst of their multitude of gods, they were willing to
erect one altar more, with this inscription, (ver. 23),
0go>, " To the unknown God." It is true indeed,

OF ROME PAPAL. 123

that there are many curiosities of this kind, that a wise
man may improve to great advantage. But when they
are made our main or only business and study, instead
of being parergons or by-studies, w r e are certainly far out
of the road of true wisdom. What profit has the meta
physician, in abstracting from all particular beings, that
he may define ens generically, as unum, verum, bonum,
while he is ignorant of Him that is truly such ? To how
little purpose, at length, will the mathematician find he
has studied, in order to adjust and determine the pro
portions of points, lines, sides, and angles, if he neglect
the proportions of piety and virtue ? What will it avail
the astronomer to see the planets through a tube, if he
fall short of the happy world at last, that is above all
these ? Is any man the better for being able to adjust
and reconcile the Egyptian, Chaldee, and Grecian dyn
asties, by reducing all the different eras of nations to the
Julian period, while he neglects to number his own days,
so as to apply his heart to true wisdom ? And, lastly,
what advantage has any man, by being able to speak all
the languages in the world, while he worships and praises
God in none of them ?

Nay, I tell you further, that a man may even mis
spend his time in the service and worship of God, cir
cumstantially considered. For though we worship God,
yet what advantage do we reap by it, if we do so
ignorantly or hypocritically, or customarily, or merely
for the fashion, or profanely and irreverently, or dully
and heartlessly ? Nay, we may lose our labour this way
also, when by this we thrust out more immediately in
cumbent and necessary duties ; or when we neglect the
performance of this, till we be altogether unfit for it,
offering thus to the Lord a corrupt thing, while we have
a male in the flock.

And if we may thus mis-spend time, how much more
are we like to do so, while the cares of the world, and

i 2

124 THE RISE AND FALL

the inordinate desire of what we call its pleasures, profits,
and honours, jostle out religion, both from our thoughts
and lives ? Solomon adviseth us not to labour to be
rich, but he immediately subjoins, " Cease from thy own
wisdom." (Prov. xxiii. 4, 5.) Whereby he insinuates,
that a man must be mortified to his carnal and worldly
ratiocinations, and taught by the Spirit of God to know
the true value of things, before he can possibly learn
this lesson from him. However he positively determines
these two things : that he that hasteth to be rich, hath
an evil eye ; and that he that does so shall not be found
to be innocent. (Prov. xxviii. 20 22.) Mottoes that
all men might find it convenient to write on the head of
their books of accounts. And if Solomon's words have
little effect upon you, consider what a greater than Solo
mon says of a covetous or anxious disposition and practice,
in the 6th chapter of Matthew, where he represents and
condemns it as unchristian and heathenish, and as un
reasonable and pernicious. And, after all, remember
these serions and pungent words of his, " What is a man
profited, if he gain the whole world, and lose his own
soul ? Or what can a man give in exchange for his soul ?
(Matth. xvi. 26.)

And now, I hope, I have said enough as to the things
we ought to avoid, if we would rightly improve our
time ; but, seeing it is not sufficient to know how time
is lost, unless we know also what we are to be occupied
about, and wherein the best and wisest disposal of our
time stands ; therefore we must further consider the
great and necessary duties with which we ought to fill
up the seasons and vacuities of our life. And therefore
I proceed now to

The second part of this great and principal direction
concerning the improvement of our time. Which is
this, that we take care to fill it up with the conscientious
and diligent discharge of all necessary duties.

OF ROME PAPAL. 125

And here, though in the general we cannot but know,
that our time is wholly to be taken up in getting and
doing good, yet we must remember, that it is only in
relation to time that we are to consider our duties in this
place. And, therefore, I am only to consider here those
great and necessary duties which are always obligatory
upon us, and the neglect of which is inseparable from
the mis-improvement of time. For it cannot be supposed
that I should so much as hint all those things that come
under the general notion of duty ; or consider those
things which particular circumstances and emergents
render obligatory to us, or such duties which are called
relative, from the stations we are in, and the relations
we bear to others.

There are therefore a few things only which I shall
recommend to you as altogether useful and necessary,
and which none of us can ever plead exemption from.

And, in the first place, let me beseech you to improve
your time by frequent, diligent, and serious reading and
studying the Holy Scriptures. In the first book of
which, ye v,ill find your minds led up to the first anti
quities, which no other book beside can furnish you with
any just account of. There we see the origin of man
and the world man's primeval state, when first created
the original of sin, and death, and misery the sub
version of the first race of man by the great deluge,
which heathen antiquities speak of only as through a
cloud the first spring and dawning of mercy and hope
to lapsed man the succession of the first and most primi
tive church, and the beginning and progress of Gentile
idolatry, superstition, and wickedness together with
the first original of nations, cities, arts, governments, lan
guages and in all these, the superintending providence
of God, in its justice and goodness, wisdom and steadi
ness. And by this knowledge, we bring back, as it were,
all past time, and make it our own as to our profit and

126 THE RISE AKD FALL

advantage. In the other books of Moses, we have an
account of God's erecting a poor, oppressed people to be
a church, and God's peculiar possession. Wherein we
see his wonderful appearance for them, by signs and
miracles his strange and unusual way with them in all
their journey, in trying, feeding, and preserving them
his giving them laws, ecclesiastical, moral, and political
his wrapping up most profound mysteries under cere
monies and customs and his bringing them into a noble
country with power and glory, destroying their enemies
before them together with innumerable observable oc
currences, and theoretical and useful things to be taken
notice of therein. The historical part of the Old Testa
ment, that foUows that of the law, as the Jews call it,
gives us a relation of most admirable and great revolu
tions and transactions as ever fell out in the world.
Wherein we may observe the various, and yet uniform
steps of divine providence in governing the world, and
the church God's trying, and yet rewarding the right
eous his permitting sin, and yet punishing sinners.
In all which occurrences, we have the best examples
that can be, to be imitated by us, and an account of
the worst also, that we may avoid such pernicious courses.
The book of Job is a mirror, wherein we may learn what
afflictions the best men are liable unto, and what re
proaches they may unjustly fall under, even by good
men like themselves, through mistake and infirmity ; as
also, how we ought to behave in the time of calamity,
and what the end of the Lord at length usually is. The
Psalms are the most excellent model of practical and ex
perimental piety, and the best prayer-book and directory
for devotion that ever the world was blessed with. The
Proverbs of Solomon are the most excellent and refined
ethics that were ever published, or ever will be. Eccle-
siastes is the noblest picture and demonstration of the
world's vanity. And Solomon's Song the most spiritual

OF ROME PAPAL. 127

pastoral, the finest allegory, and the divinest poetical
description of the love between Christ and devout souls,
that ever saw the light. The prophetical writings give
us the noblest and distinctest idea of God's government
of nations, and the righteousness and equity of all his pro
vidences and administrations, besides innumerable other
lessons to be learned from thence.

And as for the New Testament, the first thing that
occurs to us, is the most excellent part of the whole
Bible. I mean the four-fold history of our blessed
Saviour. O, let your thoughts dwell long, and strike
deep here ; for all the historical passages of the gospel,
all the wise and sage parables to be found there all
the miracles wrought aU the prophecies mentioned all
the truths revealed and all the counsels and exhorta
tions there given I say, all these are so many rich
veins of what is more precious than the finest gold, and
admirable and useful above all thought ! The book of
the Acts of the Apostles, gives us a noble and impartial
account of the beginning and progress of the gospel, and
the first settlement of the church. Wherein we have a
naked and clear view of Christianity in its pure and
primitive dress, together with some most profitable exam
ples, and useful discourses. The apostolical Epistles
give us a full and copious account of the religion of the
blessed Jesus, both in its principles and practice, its ori
ginal and design. So that these are sufficient alone, if
rightly understood, to enlighten our minds, to influence
our affections and designs, and to regulate our lives and
conversations. And the book of the Revelation, though
dark and enigmatical, represents to us in an august and
lofty manner, the rectorship of our Lord Jesus in govern
ing the world, over-ruling and disposing the designs and
actions of men, and making all things at length work
together for the illustration of his own glory, and his
people's good.

128 THE RISE AND FALL

Thus we see something of the special properties of the
several parts of the Scripture, and what excellent things
may be learned from thence. But let us consider also,
those properties that are common to the whole Bible,
and every part of it. Let us therefore look upon all
the books that compose this sacred volume, as Divinely
inspired, and as designed, in all respects, for our profit
and edification. (2 Tim. iii. 15.) Therefore let us read
and study them, not as the word of men, but as they are
indeed the word of God, /. e. so as to prize and value
them according to their worth to love and delight in
them to praise God for them to meditate upon them
as men, not as children and to conform our li ves wholly
to them. And in order to become thus, the humble, im
partial, and obedient scholars of Christ, let me put you
in mind of one thing, than which nothing is more neglected,
and yet nothing is more necessary in order to profit
truly by the Bible viz., that ye have a care of laying
down any opinion or scheme of opinions in matters
religious, previously to your having impartially examined
the sacred scriptures in such matters. For they that do
so, come not to be taught of God, but to dictate to the
Almighty, and are not afraid often to wiredraw the
sacred text, in order to force it to speak, not what it
really does, but what they would have it do, as best
suits with their prejudices, passions, and party designs,
that I say not lusts also. Therefore let me desire you
(as I often have done from the pulpit) to make the Bible
itself, and particularly the New Testament, yoiir chief
(and in a proper sense only) system, confession of faith,
and creed. For whatever excellency there is in any
human composures of this kind, we are to own them no
farther than we find them agree and harmonize with the
Divine oracles.

In the next place, let us improve our time, by frequent,
serious, and close meditation on Divine and profitable

OF ROME PAPAL. 129

things. Let the character of the blessed man (Ps. i.
2, 3,) be ours, by our meditating on the laws and truths
of God day and night. For to what purpose do we read
the Scriptures, and other good books, if we be not at
pains to penetrate into the things therein contained?
Now, it were endless, and in some sense impossible, to
name all those things that may be profitably thought
upon. But perhaps it may not be amiss to suggest to
you the principal heads of sacred theology ; by which, as
so many avenues, ye may attain mentally to converse
with God and truth.

In the first place, then, meditate on God himself his
attributes, works, and word, and the blessed persons of
the Godhead. Then think on man in his first innocent
state in his lapsed condition, and begun recovery ; and
on thyself particularly thy nature, thy faculties, thy
state, thy faults, thy end, thy duties, and thy privileges
and advantages. Meditate often on Jesus Christ his
person, his properties, his offices, his merits, his sufferings,
his conquest, his business and work now in heaven, and
his management of the church on earth, and the world
in general. Then think of the Holy Spirit his office,
work, and influences. And let the church also be con
sidered in its obligations, ordinances, sufferings, progress,
and victory. And think likewise of the particular state
of the saints of God on earth, their temptations, the
principles by which they are acted, their conversation,
and the promises made them. Hence let your minds be
led in to contemplate the great blessings of true religion,
such as conversion, justification, adoption, sanctification,
peace of conscience, joy in the Holy Ghost, communion
with God, the prelibations of heaven, and final perse
verance. And then let your thoughts terminate upon
what we call the last things. Think, therefore, on death
its certainty, yet the uncertainty of the time of it ; the
great change it brings upon us ; how terrible it will be to

130 THE RISE AND FALL

be unprepared for it, and the happiness of being ready
for so great a change. Then think upon the dissolution
of this world, when the elements shall melt with fervent
heat, and this vast pile of our planetary world become
one great bonfire. And from thence let your minds con
template the great day of judgment, those grand assizes,
where all mankind must be impartially judged, and sen
tence be pronounced upon them accordingly. And after
all, let your thoughts pass beyond the limits of tune, and
step into the eternal state. There go down to the in
fernal prison for awhile, and view the horrors of the place,
the frightful aspect of the company, and the intenseness
and perpetuity of the torments. Then mount the steep
ascent, and soar aloft upon the wings of contemplation,
to the blissful regions of the celestial paradise. There
satiate your thoughts with the pleasures and beauties of
the place, the felicity and joys of that state and govern
ment, the excellency of the company, the glory of the
discoveries made there, the noble employment that takes
them up, and the eternity and immutability of all these.
Think, then, upon these few hints, my friends, (where
there are almost as many subjects as words,) and ye can
never want matter for your thoughts to work upon.

And now, seeing all our study and meditation must
be so managed, that we may receive some real and
abiding advantage, let us ever call ourselves to a serious
and impartial account as to the spending of our tune $
for how can we satisfy ourselves, without conversing with
our own souls, in order to know how it is with them ?
And how can we attain to know ourselves, if we never
examine and try how it is with us ? If merchants and
men of business are so careful to set every thing down in
their journals and books of account, that they may be
able exactly to balance what they call their debit and
credit, their losses and gains ; ought not Christians to
mind their eternal concerns with the like exactness and

OF ROME PAPAL. 131

accuracy ? How wonderfully does Seneca speak on this
head, when he tells us, that in imitation of one Sextius,
whom he highly commends, he had been accustomed to
examine himself every night. "When at night," says
he, " the candle is out, and all is still and quiet, then do
I look back upon, and search all the day past, by mea
suring and running over all I have thought, said, or done.
I hide nothing from myself; I overlook and pass by
nothing. I say to myself, so and so hast thou done un-
advisably: do so no more. And again, I ask myself,
what evil have I healed ? What vice have I resisted ?
What passion have I moderated ? What lesson have I
learned ? and what good have I done ? And oh," says
he, " what a sweet sleep follows, after this recognition of
a man's self, when one is conscious of his impartiality and
seriousness, in the review and censure of himself and his
own manners ! "

And to this purpose we find an excellent direction in
the Golden verses, as they are called, of old Pythagoras,
which begin thus Mfjd' UCTI/OV, &c. The sense of which I
render thus :

Before thine eyes to slumber sweet give place,
Be sure the past day's journal first to trace.
Survey thy steps and actions all : then say,
Which good ? which bad ? how ordered were they.

Oh then, my friends, let it not be said of us, that we live
in the neglect of this duty, lest heathens rise up in judg
ment against us and condemn us.

But since we are not born for ourselves only, let us be
concerned to promote the good of others also. Let us
therefore improve time, by being useful in our stations
to the church of God and good men, and to all as far as
we can ; for so we are obliged, as we are members of
communities, cities, and nations, and as we are inhabitants
of the world. And in order to be thus useful, let us set
before ourselves the glorious example of Christ, whose

132 THE RISE AND FALL

meat and drink it was, to do the will of his heavenly
Father, and who went about always doing good. And,
therefore, let us be ashamed to live as useless plants in
the world, which do only cumber the ground.

And, in order to perform all these things aright, and
so to improve our time to the best advantage, let us be
sure to spend as much of our time in prayer, as possibly
we can : for as it is thus that we attain to most immedi
ate and direct communion with God ; so it is this way
that we attain to be strengthened and directed in the
performance of all the duties we are obliged to be taken
up in. Therefore let us remember, that it is not without
just ground that we are commanded to pray always, and
to pray without ceasing. (Eph. vi. 18; 1 Thess. v. 17.)
The sense of which expressions I take to be this : that as
we are to keep up stated times of solemn prayer to God,
and to have recourse to him, in a more especial manner,
upon extraordinary emergencies and occurrences, inorder
to be peculiarly directed and assisted then from God ; so
we are ever to keep ourselves, as much as possibly we
can, in a praying frame ; and for this end to fill up all
the vacuities of other affairs and studies with ejaculatory
prayers and breathings. But, besides all these things,
there is one thing further that I never found any writer
take notice of, that I look upon to be the principal design
of such expressions : and this is, that we be careful to
prosecute the design of our prayers from one time of our
life to another, waiting for the answer of them, and im
proving the same in praise, when received e. g. if a
Christian pray long for a full victory over such or such
a temptation or lust, let him prosecute this design in all
his prayers until he receive an answer ; which, when he
has got, let him turn this from the catalogue of his peti
tions to that of his thanksgivings. And so let him act
also, with respect to mercies to be received, promises to
be fulfilled, and miseries to be averted.

OF ROME PAPAL. 133

And thus I have at length finished the first and prin
cipal rule I had to propose to you, with respect to the
improvement of time, in both the parts thereof. And
now I am to hint to you two more, which are only sub
servient ones ; though, at the same time, worthy of your
most serious thoughts.

The second rule, therefore, is this, that in order to the
right improvement and disposal of time, we do both dedi
cate ourselves solemnly to God, and as explicitly as we
can, in order to spend our lives wholly in his service ; and
be concerned, in order to this, to keep a secret and exact
register or diary of all our own actions, and the provi
dences of God in relation to us.

But seeing I have hinted something in relation to both
the parts of this rule in another discourse viz., that
concerning the ministerial work: I shall not therefore
trouble you with any thing more upon either of these
heads.

Only let me say this one thing further, in relation to
the keeping of a diary or private register ; that every
man must be left to his own discretion as to the manner
and method of adjusting those things that occur to him
in his life. As, therefore, some may think it best to set
things down according to the series of the time they fall
out in : so others may look upon the method of heads, or
common places, to be the best. And if any serious per
son shall think this last way the best (for as to the first
the method cannot be missed) he may perhaps find these
heads not unreasonable or useless viz. that after a short
series of his life, to be further continued, he proceeds in
this order.

1 To consider God's providence to him, in adapting
and disposing of him for particular ends, agreeably to
the faculties of his soul, and constitution of his body,
together with his external circumstances, in relation to
both.

134 THE RISE AND FALL

2. What his conversion has been, with the time and
manner of it.

3. How far, and in what way he has been led into
covenant with God, with the renovations of the same.

4. What crosses and troubles he has met with, and
how far these have been improved and sanctified.

5. The dangers, spiritual and temporal, he has been
delivered from.

6. The sins he is most inclinable unto naturally, and
those he has been most guilty of and overcome by.

7. How frequently, in what manner, and upon what
occasions, he has been deserted by his God ; and, so far
as he can conclude, for what ends these have happened
to him.

8. What evidences he has had of the wrath and dis
pleasure of God, upon the account of sin.

9. And what intimations he has met with of the love
and kindness of his heavenly Father.

10. What temptations, inward or outward, he has
been most assaulted by, and what he has found to be the
best antidote and relief against these.

11. What observations and experiences he has met
with, to confirm him in the belief of the Christian reli
gion, as to the being of God, the divinity of Christ, and
the existence of invisible powers.

27. What observable and remarkable things have
happened to him, in his business, studies, or converse
with men, that may be of use to himself or others, as to
life and conversation in the world.

13. Particularly, what has occurred to him in the
remarkable turns and changes of his life, in health and
sickness.

14. What intimacy, familiarity, and communion, God
has graciously admitted him into with himself; and what
answers and returns of prayer God has granted him.

And 15. What special and peculiarly distinguishing

OF ROME PAPAL. 135

circumstances he has been under, wherein the footsteps
of a peculiar conduct have been conspicuous to him.

Under these heads I humbly suppose all things may
be regularly disposed, that can be thought necessary to
compose a private Christian's register. Though I pre
sume not to dictate to any man, but leave every one to
follow his own method.

The third and last Rule is this : That, in order to the
right regulation of time, we set down some short, ra
tional and natural directory, according to which we may
be enabled and assisted rightly to improve our time.

But seeing every one is to compose this, according to
his own circumstances, there is no man that can justly
prescribe to another in this matter. Nay, there is none
that can set to himself such a directory, as to all parti
culars, that he can be supposed to be tied up to, at all
times ; since the providence of God is so various this
way, that our circumstances render Our condition, and
consequently our duty, almost as different as the weather
is. And therefore a spiritual prudence is that which is
to every one the great directory of his life. For when
the providence of God renders our particular rules and
methods impracticable, unlawful, or inconvenient, it is
both our duty and wisdom to fall in with the present
circumstances of things, rather than with our own arbi
trary demonstrations ; seeing, then, the state of the
question is, Whether God's method or ours should be
followed ?

All, therefore, that I shall propose to you here, is the
consideration of three things, which are easily minded,
and may be put in practice every day, whatever our
circumstances are,

1. When ye awake in the morning, let this be among
your first thoughts how shall I spend this day to best
advantage, for the honour of God, and my own good ?
And when ye have considered what is most proper to

136 THE RISE AND FALL

promote these ends ; then firmly propose to yourselves
your business through the day, and fixedly resolve upon
acting so ; and accordingly proceed and fall to work.

2. In the middle of all your business or studies, allow
yourselves some time of breathing, in order to reflect
upon these two things, viz. What ye are, and what ye
do ; putting this frequently to yourselves, by way of
query, thus What am I ? i. e. am I sure I am in favour
with God ? am I indeed regenerated ? am I spiritual in
thought, affection, and design ? And again, What do
I ? am I employed as I ought to be ? are my ends right ?
are the means I make use of lawful and proper ? are my
studies, or my business such as I ought now to be occupied
about ? do I behave in all respects as one that is jour
neying towards the better country ?

3. In the evening, sleep not before ye have examined
yourselves, as to the actions and occurrences of the past
day. But having spoken already to this duty, I shall only
add here, that it will be of great use for you to examine
yourselves as to two things, by way of question to your
selves, thus : What has God's providence been to me
this day ? what have I seen or heard that deserves special
observation and improvement ? what mercies have I re
ceived ? what troubles have I met with ? what dangers
have I escaped ? did God assist me, or desert me in my
devotions and business ? have I learned nothing new
from his holy word ? did he seem to receive, or shut out
my prayers ? And again, What has my way been
towards God ? have I done nothing to dishonour him, or
to discredit my profession ? have I acted so as to approve
myself to my God in thought and design, as well as in
word and action ? wherein have I failed in my duty ?
what have I done for religion ? and what for my own
good, or the good of others ? what have I done that I
ought to beg the pardon of? and what have I to praise
God for?

OF ROME PAPAL. 137

Now, my friends, I hope these three generals are
easy, both to be remembered and practised. For as for
the particular questions I have suggested, they are only
proposed to show more fully the design of the general
ones ; and therefore every one may pick and choose, or
vary from these, as his own circumstances do require,
and as his prudence will direct : I only desire you, then,
to remember the three heads themselves, with relation
to the morning, the day, and the evening, as they are
comprehended in these three mnemonical words, propose,
reflect, and examine.

And thus I have at length come to the end of that
which I had to say to you upon this great and practical
head of improving time to the best advantage. Which
I conclude with a few watch-words. Spend not your
time so, as to be afterwards obliged bitterly to repent of
what ye have done : spend no time on that which ye
cannot review and look back upon with comfort : spend
no time so, as ye dare not pray for a blessing from God
upon what ye do : spend no time without some respect
to God's glory, or your own and others' good. And be
sure so to spend and improve your time, that your great
work may be done before your life end ; that when your
few days are lived over, ye may joyfully enter in upon a
happy eternity.

Now, having finished all I had to say, by way of im
provement of the apocalyptical thoughts I have presented
you with, I desire ye may candidly interpret my design,
and favourably construe my performance. And one
thing I hope ye will remember, that seeing this discourse
is by way of epistle, I have therefore used an epistolary
freedom, both in what I have said, and in the way of
writing, not tying myself up to so close a method as in
other discourses, though I have not altogether neglected
even that ; but if I have failed in any respect, remember
Hirther, that I write to those I look upon to be my true,

K

138 THE RISE AND FALL

good, and kind friends. Let, therefore, the name and
ties of friendship plead for me, where ye may discern my
infirmities, and induce you to pass a favourable sentence
upon my attempt to assist you in the way to heaven.

And now that I write to such dear friends, and have
mentioned the ties of friendship, let me beg of you that
ye would make it your business to live together as such :
for there is nothing Christ has enjoined us more, than
mutual love, insomuch as he has made it the badge of
our Christianity, when he tells us, " By this shall all men
know that ye are my disciples, if ye love one another."
(John xiii. 35.) And therefore, it was one great end of
his coming into the world, to introduce a divine and
universal friendship among men. (Eph. ii. 14 17, &c.)
For as the devil promotes his kingdom in the world, by
dissentions, emulations, hatred and malice : so our blessed
Master carries on his, by union, gentleness, peaceableness,
universal kindness, love, and charity.

But besides a general friendship, it would be of great
use to cultivate a peculiar one with one or more, whose
disposition is most agreeable to ours. And seeing there
is little of this now to be found in this selfish age, let me
give you such a description of it as may make you fall in
love with it. And if this appear too florid, remember
that, as the subject itself is so, it is part of a youthful
composure of mine, in a letter to a worthy friend, who
had desired my thoughts upon this head many years ago.
" True friendship is a divine and spiritual relation of
minds, a union of souls, a marriage of hearts, and a har
mony of designs and affections ; which, being founded
on a known agreeableness, and entered into by a mutual
hearty consent, groweth up into the purest kindness, and
most endearing love ; maintaining itself by the openest
freedom, the warmest sympathy, and the closest secrecy.
And such friends are as twins, every way alike ; or like
sweet flowers, agreeing in beauty, Hke the rose and lily,

OF ROME PAPAL. 139

the primrose and violet, twisted round one another, and
mixing both colours and smells. Or they may be com
pared to two pleasant rivulets flowing from one spring
and fountain, though separated perhaps by some unlucky
rising of the ground ; yet meeting again in some kind
and flowery mead, which they bless by their cheerful and
gentle meanders ; and, it may be, thence separated again
at some distance, where they glide along silently, mur
muring now and then to another, and mutually com
plaining of the rude banks that obstruct their joining;
until at length, having run their full course, and becom
ing one stream, they pour themselves forth into the great
ocean itself, and become one with it also. So that, like
the rest of the bitter sweets of this life, friendship has its
ups and downs until it flow into heaven, from whence it
took its rise ; which is the consummation of all divine
friendships, and where ah 1 true friends do at length hap
pily meet, never to part."

And now, my friends, I shall conclude this long epistle
in the words of a famous doctor and father of the
ancient church* : " Learn, Oh faithful and religious men,
and carefully apprehend the design of the gospel polity.
For which end study to conquer fleshly lusts, to be hum
ble in heart, pure in mind, and masters of your passions.
If ye be called to suffer, act heroically, and do some
thing over and above mere passiveness, for the honour of
your Lord. If ye are unjustly treated, evidence that ye
are not contentious ; if hated, love your enemies ; if per
secuted, endure it ; and if reviled, answer no man other
wise than by prayer and good wishes. Die to sin, crucify
your affections for God, and cast all your care upon your
Lord and Master. That thus ye may at length reach
the glorious place, where millions of angels, and the
glorious assembly of the first born are praising God, and

* Basil. Magn. in his T$ov9tffta 7rpo TOVQ VIOVQ. The words
being thus : Ma0 <rv t o Triorof avflpwTroj, 1 , &c,

K 2

140 THE RISE AND FALL

where the holy Apostles, Prophets, Patriarchs, Martyrs,
and all the righteous are. To this blessed society, let
us labour and pray to be joined, through Jesus Christ
our Lord, to whom be glory for ever."

Now, that both ye and I may attain, through grace,
to be thus happy, is and shall be the serious, fervent, and
constant prayer of,

My very dear Friends,

Yours to love and serve you in the gospel of
our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ,

ROBERT FLEMING.

LONDON. Jan. 1, 1701.
Being the first day both of the year and century.

141

A POSTSCRIPT,

CONTAINING A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST PRINCIPLES OF
THE APOCALYPTICAL INTERPRETATIONS ADVANCED IN THE
PRECEDING DISCOURSE.

AFTER I had finished the foregoing discourse, and that
all the sheets were almost printed, I was earnestly urged
by a friend, to say something to secure the foundation I
go upon : especially because the learning of Grotius and
Dr. Hammond had influenced many to follow another
way of interpreting the Revelation, as the reputation of
Mr. Baxter had swayed others to think well of the same.
And when I urged that Dr. More, in his Mystery of
Iniquity, and Dr. Cressener in his Demonstration of the
first principles of the protestant interpretations of the
Apocalypse, had done this sufficiently already : he replied,
that these books were both voluminous and dark, and not
easy to be purchased by every one ; and that therefore
some short account of this matter at this time seemed to
be necessary. I urged many things against this, as that
this advice came too late, and that should I contract
never so much, it would swell this part of my book too
much, to keep a due proportion with the other discourses,

142 THE RISE AND FALL

and indeed make the whole too bulky. But after all, im
portunity and the respect I bore my friend, prevailed with
me, to say something to all those things, that he thought
I ought to premise. Therefore, not to spend any longer
time in giving the reasons, why I did not speak to these
things before, in their proper place, or why I do so now :
I shall give my thoughts of this book and the first prin
ciples of the right interpretation of it, in some propo
sitions which do gradually lay the foundation of what I
advanced before.

1st Proposition. The Revelation was written by the
Apostle John, and is a sacred and canonical book
of the New Testament.

I hope there is no Christian that will dispute the truth
of this proposition with me. For, besides that the style
of John may be easily traced in this book, notwithstand
ing the difference of the subject from that which he wrote
of in his gospel and epistles, he does frequently make
mention of himself, and that with such peculiar circum
stances as agree with none but the apostle ; as we see
chap. i. verses 1, 2, 4, 9. (See also chap. xxi. 2, and
xxii. 8.)

I know indeed that some of the ancients doubted of
this, as Caius, a Latin father, mentioned by Eusebius,
(hist. lib. 3, cap. 28.) and Dionysius of Alexandria, who
made a great noise against it for a while, as we see in
Eusebius also, Hist. lib. 7, cap. 4. But yet even this man
declares that he owns it to be a sacred book, though not
written by the apostle John. Wherein he speaks, what
we must look upon to be altogether absurd. For if St.
John be not the author, it must be an imposture, seeing
his name is inserted in it, as being the penman. So that
if it be not St. John's, it is no sacred book. Or if it be
a sacred book, the author is none but the beloved apostle.
But the weakness and inconsistency of this, which deny his
reasons against this book, are sufficiently though briefly

OF ROME PAPAL. 143

exposed by Monsieur du Pin, both in his preliminary
dissertation to his Bibliotheque des Auteurs Ecclesias-
tiques, and in his History of the Canon of the books of
Scripture.

And if this were any argument against the divinity of
this book, that some persons have doubted of it, or denied
it to be canonical, there is hardly one book in the New
Testament that would stand the test : seeing we find in
the ancient church history, that there have been not only
particular men, but even sects of them, that have ex-
cepted, some against one book, and some against others.
And we know, that the epistles of James and Jude, and
the second and third epistles of John, and that admirable
epistle of the Hebrews, have been controverted, as well
as the Apocalypse : of the authority of which neither
Papist nor Protestant, Grecian nor Armenian Christian
doubts at this day.

And as all Christians do now acquiesce in the Reve
lation, as a canonical book : so excepting those I men
tioned, and the heretics called Alogians, all the eminent
fathers of the church received it of old. So did Justin
Martyr. Dialog, cum tryph. Irenasus, lib. iv. cap. 37 and
50, and lib. v. cap. 30, and apud Euseb. lib. v. cap. 8 ;
Tertullian, adv. Marc. lib. iii. cap. 5 ; Origen in Mat.
and in John, and apud Euseb. lib. vi. cap. 25 ; and Euse-
bius himself, Hist. lib. iv. cap. 28. Nay all the other
Fathers agree in this also viz. Epiphanius, Victorinus,
Theophilus, Cyprian, Methodius, Jerome ; and other au
thors quoted by Eusebius, Epiphanius, and Jerome viz.
Melito Hippolitus, Victorinus, &c.

But for my own part, were all these authorities want
ing, there is that in this book itself, that would inforce
me to own it as Divine. For besides the augustness of
its style, the wisdom of its contexture, and the purity of
its design and counsels, there is something that I want fi
name for, that commands my belief and veneration, and

144 THE RISE AND FALL

insinuates itself into my affection and conscience, as if
Christ himself breathed something divine in every line.
But the clear view of the fulfilling of the several parts of
its prophecy, is an argument that even several other
books of the New Testament want.

2nd Proposition. The book of the Revelation of John
was written after the destruction of Jerusalem.

The notion of Grotius, upon which his interpretation
of the Apocalypse is founded, is this: That the seven
kings or heads of the Beast, (mentioned Rev. xvii. 10,)
are not to be understood of seven several forms of govern
ment, but of seven particular emperors viz., Claudius,
Nero, Galba, Otho, Yitellius, Vespasian, and Titus, and
that Domitian is the eighth, who was of the seventh,
because as he pretends, he governed during his father's
absence.

The foundation which he lays, for the probation of
this, is that John was banished into Patmos, in the reign
of Claudius : but that though he saw his visions then, he
did not write them till Vespasian's time. For he must
make this last supposition, as well as the first, else his
notion would be condemned immediately, seeing it is said,
that five of these kings were fallen, (Rev. xvii. 10,) that
is, says he and Hammond, when he wrote, not when he
saw these visions. But how false this is, any body may
see with half an eye ; seeing these words are not John's
but the angel's to him. And, therefore, the defenders
of this opinion must find out five emperors that were
fallen before Claudius, if they will restrict these heads of
the Beast to particular men ; for if the angels spake these
words to John in the days of Claudius, they must relate
to them that went before, or none at all.

This is enough to destroy this notion of theirs, and I
know not how it is possible for any of their admirers to
salve their credit this way. But seeing the principal
thing they found upon, is this, that John saw the apoca-

OF ROME PAPAL. 145

lyptical visions in the days of Claudius, and that so all,
or at least most of the Revelation, relates to things that
fell out before the destruction of Jerusalem ; I shall say
something further to disprove this assertion, and to con
firm the verity of our proposition.

Now there are only two things adduced by Grotius
and Hammond, to prove that John was in Patmos in
Claudius' reign ; the first is, that Claudius raised a per
secution against both Jews and Christians, and that being
the first persecutor, it is probable that John was banished
at that time. The second is, that Epiphanius does ex
pressly assert, that it was by Claudius that John was ban
ished to Patmos.

As to the first of these, it is nothing but a supposition
without any proof; for we have no account, either in the
Acts of the Apostles, or in any other writer, that Claudius
did ever persecute either Jews or Christians. And Lac-
tan this (de Mort. Perf.) does expressly assert, that no
emperor did persecute the Christians before Nero. It is
true, Suetonius says, ' Claudius Judasos impulsore Chresto
tumultuantes Roma expulit." And Luke tells us, that
Claudius banished the Jews from Rome, which occa
sioned Aquila arid Priscilla, and other Christian Jews,
to retire from Rome ; but neither of them say that he
persecuted the Christians, or even the Jews. Now, as
for the expression of Suetonius, "impulsore Chresto or
Christo," the meaning must be this, that the Jews that
did not believe, going about to stir up the government
at Rome, as they did everywhere else, (as is plain from
the books of the Acts,) against the Christians, and
appearing against them in a tumultuous manner, upon
the occasion of Christ, complaints might probably be
brought to the emperor, who no doubt upon this account
banished all of that nation from Rome. So that Suetonius
having a confused notion of Christ, might easily be in
duced to express himself this way. And now that this

146 THE RISE AND FALL

was all that Claudius did against the Christians, it' is
plain to me, from one argument that has escaped Dr.
More, but is to me unanswerable, taken from the 18th
chapter of the Acts, where, after the sacred historian
had taken notice of Claudius' banishing the Jews out of
Rome, and of Aquila and Priscilla's being lately come
upon that account from Italy to Corinth, he tells us of
Paul's lodging with them, because he was of the same
occupation. But being pressed in spirit to preach Christ,
upon the coming of Silas and Timothy from Macedonia,
he goes into their synagogue, and reasons with the Jews
and proselytes there, upon this head ; and having con
verted some, particularly Crispus, the chief ruler of the
synagogue, and Justus, in whose house he afterwards
disputed (Crispus no doubt being thrown out of his
office, and Sosthenes put in his stead, and Paul continuing
to preach in Justus' house, which joined to the syna
gogue) ; the Jews are incensed to such a degree, as to
rise tumultuously against Paul. Sosthenes therefore,
the new chief ruler of the synagogue, and the unbeliev
ing Jews, make an insurrection, and seize upon Paul, and
carry him to the judgment-seat, before the pro-consul
Gallio, that excellent Roman, the elder brother of Seneca,
He teUs the Jews, that if Paul, or any other man, were
guilty of what was lewd, wicked, or unjust, that in that
case he was obliged to punish such persons according as
the Roman law and justice did require, but seeing they
accused Paul of nothing of that kind, but only of doc
trinal matters, relating to their own law and religion, he
had nothing to do with them ; and therefore he drove
them ah 1 away, and set Paul at liberty ; which made the
Gentiles fah 1 upon Sosthenes, the chief author of this tumult,
and beat him before the judgment-seat ; which Gallio
permitted to be done and connived at, either as judging
that he did deserve to be so treated, or supposing it might
prevent the Jews from acting so factiously and tumul-

OF ROME PAPAL. 147

tuously again. Now, after this short, but exact account
of this history, it will be easy to see how precarious and
groundless, nay false, Grotius' opinion is, of a persecu
tion being raised against Jews and Christians, in the
days of Claudius. For if there had been any such thing,
or any edict for it, how came Gallic to tolerate a public
synagogue of the Jews, and suffer Paul to preach openly ?
Or if the Christians were only ordered to be persecuted,
why did not the Jews use this as the reason of their ac
cusing Paul, who to be sure wanted not good will to have
done so, and were not ignorant that this would have
been the main argument to prevail with the pro-consul ?
And had there been any such edict, can we imagine that
Gallio was ignorant of it ? For so he must have been,
seeing he tells the Jews that he had no orders to punish
any man for his religion or sentiments that way, but
only those that were guilty of wickedness or lewdness in
life. If any say that his temper was to care for none of
these things, I answer, this expression may indeed denote
his temper. But I suppose it speaks forth not only that,
but his principle and sentiment, as judging it unrighteous
to persecute or punish any man for mere opinion. But
whatever this had been, had there been any edict for per
secuting the Christians or Jews, he durst not have neg
lected his orders, especially when the edict must have
been so recent, and when he had what might have passed
for a just reason of his punishing both the party accusing
and the party accused viz. their disturbing (as he might
have represented it) the public peace. But indeed it
is too plain to need any further proof, that Claudius' ban
ishing the Jews out of Rome, was accompanied with no
persecution, either against them, or against the Christians.
And this Dr. Hammond confirms, by what he says in
his annotations on Acts xxvi. 31, forgetting that this
way he destroys his own foundation for interpreting the
Eevelation. Where upon these words of Luke, that

148 THE RISE AND FALL

Agrippa, Festus, and Bernice, and the rest of the com
pany, after they had heard Paul's defence, did conclude,
that he had done nothing that deserved either death or
imprisonment, the Doctor observes, that the reason why
they did conclude so was, because there had been as yet
no edict emitted against the Christians by any of the
emperors ; and this was the reason also, says he, why
Gallio, the pro-consul of Achaia, said publicly, that it
was not for him to judge of things that the Roman laws
had determined nothing about. For, continues the doc
tor, though Claudius had commanded the Jews to leave
Italy, by which the Christian Jews were forced to go
away also, not as they were Christians, but because they
were Jews, yet there was yet no law made against
Christians, as such, at this time. It is true, he says, that
John was not only banished, as Aquila and Priscilla were,
but confined in the Isle of Patmos. But he should have
given the reason why John was the only person persecu
ted. However, I shall examine this assertion, and the
reason that the Doctor gives for it in other places of his
Annotations.

We come therefore now, in the 2d place, to consider
the testimony of Epiphanius, upon whose credit alone
Grotius and Hammond believe that John was in Patmos
in Claudius' time. And here, by the way, I cannot for
bear to observe the strange mistake of Dr. Lightfoot,
who agrees in the main with these learned men, in in
terpreting the Revelation, in relation to the Jews, before
the destruction of Jerusalem, and therefore makes John
to see these visions long before that ; but has this pecu
liar to himself, that he imagines John was not banished
there, but went there voluntarily, to preach the gospel
to the inhabitants ; whereas John himself doth expressly
tell us, that he was there as a sufferer and witness for
Christ, (chap. i. 9.) "I, John, who also am your bro
ther and companion in tribulation, and in the kingdom

OF ROME PAPAL. 149

and patience of Jesus Christ, was in the isle that is called
Patmos, for the word of God, and for the testimony of
Jesus Christ." So that as this refutes Dr. Lightfoot,
and confirms what Grotius and Hammond agree in, that
John was not in Patmos as a traveller, but as a prisoner
and sufferer, so it is enough to refute even them also ; for
the words do plainly insinuate, that John was not the
only persecuted man at that time, but that there was then
a persecution raised against all Christians in general;
and therefore, we may be assured that he was not in
that island in the days of Claudius, in whose time we
have proved there was no persecution.

But to return Epiphanius says, indeed, that John
saw his visions in Patmos, in the reign of Claudius.
(Heres. 51, sect. 12, and 33.) But can his single au
thority weigh down all antiquity, that says the contrary ?
Shall we believe him rather than Irenseus, who lived two
hundred years before him, and was the scholar of Poly-
carp, the scholar of John himself? Now, what can be
plainer than the words of Irenaeus, (Lib. 5, cap. 30, as
they are preserved in the original by Eusebius, lib. 5, cap.
8. Hist. Eccl.) E/ yag edzi avapavdov ru vvv xaigu xqgvrrsff-
Sa/ r 9 ovvo^a avrov, di 'sxsivov av sggrfir) rov KOLI rr^\ Acro-
stogaxoTog. ov yag tfgo TroXXoy p^ofou swgoiQri,
<rp$oi> t*ni r>jg qfAersgag ysvsag, KQOC, ru rsXsi rqs Ao-
%??. That is "If his name, (viz. that of
Antichrist, or the beast) had been openly to be divulged
at this time, it would no doubt have been told by him
that saw the apocalyptical visions. For it is not a long
time since he saw these, but even, in some sense, in our
own time viz. towards the end of the reign of Domitian."
And that Irenasus had just reason to say, that John's
seeing the revelation was almost in his own time, or
within the memory of the men of that generation, if not
of his own also, is plain from chronology ; for he being
the scholar of Polycarp, who was martyred in the year of

150 THE RISE AND FALL

Christ, 167, and being himself put to deat hin the year
202, if we suppose that he wrote this but ten or twelve
years before his death, yet he might justly say, that
there was about an age's difference from his time, and
that wherein John saw the Revelation ; for if John was
in Patmos towards the end of Domitian's reign, it could
not be sooner, in any propriety of speech, than the year
90, seeing he began his government A.D. 81, and died
96. And who can doubt but Irenseus does deliver here,
what his master Polycarp had told him ? For as none
knew the history of John better than that worthy person,
so none had better opportunity to know what related to
this matter than Irenseus, by reason of his long and inti
mate acquaintance with him.

This seemed a foundation sure enough, of old, to
Eusebius, and if some men had not some private ends to
promote, by opposing it, might be a sufficient foundation
to all men still. Let us therefore hear what this learned
historian says on this head.* " In those days, (says Euse
bius viz. in the days of Cerdo, a Ignatius, b and Simeon,
of whom he had been speaking,) the apostle John, the
beloved disciple, was yet alive, inspecting the churches
of Asia, having returned, after Domitian's death, from
the island, whither he had been banished. Now, that
John was then alive, it is enough to adduce the testi
mony of two persons of great authority, who are worthy
of all belief, and were ever eminent for defending the
truth, I mean, Irenseus and Clemens Alexandrinus ; the
first of whom, in his Second Book against Heresies,
speaks thus All the Presbyters (says Irenaeus) who
lived familiarly with the apostle John in Asia, do assure
us, that they had this related to them from John himself,

* Euseb. Eccl. Hist. lib. 3, cap. 23.

[ a Cerdo of Syria, a gnostic, about A. D. 139, and tutor of Mar-
cion. b lgnatius, bishop of Antioch, martyred A.D. 107. c Simeon.
bishop of Jerusalem, martyred A.D. 107. ED.]

OF ROME PAPAL. 151

for lie lived with them even unto the times of Trajan . . .
In his Third Book also, Irenaeus gives us the same
account, in these words The church of Ephesus also,
which was founded by the apostle Paul, and was after
wards under the care of the apostle John, until Trajan's
time, is an eminent witness of what was delivered to us
by the apostles. And besides him, Clemens likewise
(says Eusebius) does not only take notice of the same
time, but gives a particular story relating to him, in that
book of his, which bears this title, ' What rich man can
be saved?'" And then Eusebius recites the story at
length, which is too long to insert here.

Now, if John lived to the days of Trajan, he must
have been a prodigiously old man, according to Epipha-
nius, who says he was ninety years of age in Claudius'
time. For giving him all the allowance that can be
desired viz. that John was so old in the last year of
Claudius, and that he died in the first year of Trajan,
he must have been 134 years old at least, when he died ;
seeing Claudius died A.D. 54, and Trajan did not be
gin to reign until the year 98, though others say, with
more probability, not until A.D. 100. Now, besides that
it is not easy to believe, that so thoughtful and laborious
a man should live so long, the improbability of what
Epiphanius says, appears further from this : that if in
the year 54 from Christ's birth, John was ninety years
of age, he must have been thirty-six years older than
Christ. And if so, it seems very odd, that Christ should
say to him from the cross, " Man, behold thy mother ;
and to Mary, Woman, behold thy son." (John xix. 26, 17.)
For as this seems to say, that he was at least as young
as Christ, this account makes him an old man, or near
seventy years of age, at that time. Which, as it must
suppose Mary to be a very aged person, of between eighty
and ninety at least ; so it contradicts the constant and
unanimous tradition of the church, which supposes him

152 THE RISE AND FALL

to be very young at that time. Whence Baronius says,
that he was but twenty-five years old. And Nicephorus
relates, out of an epistle of Evodius, bishop of Antioch
that the Virgin herself was not then fifty ; seeing Christ,
as he asserts, was born when she was but fifteen years old.

Whence it appears, how little we ought to trust Epi-
phanius, in opposition to all antiquity besides. Which,
made Drusus say, Scimus omnes Epiphanium in multus
graviter hallucinatum. (Tib. xiv. obser. cap. 21.) And
upon the same account Petavius scruples not to correct
him ; for where he has it Imperante Claudio, he writes
this short note in the margin, Mendose pro Domitiano.

But the truth is, though I am not willing to detract
from this author's credit, yet I suspect it was not so much
an error of judgment as of will, or that which some call
a piafraus, that made him desert the tradition of the
church in this matter. For his telling us this story is
upon the occasion of an objection of the Montanists
against the Apocalypse, taken from this supposition, that
there was no church in Thyatira, when John wrote the
Eevelation ; which it seems, he thought would serve
another turn, if he inverted it, by telling them John said
so only by way of prophecy. Whence he proceeds to
prove the verity and divinity of the book ; and therefore
thought his argument would be the more cogent, the
further he ran up the date of the Revelation, and John's
being in Patmos. But as this was a poor as well as an
unlawful shift, so I shall leave him and his authority
both, to those that have more time and leisure to consider
them further.

For to me there is proof enough, from the Revelation
itself, to assure us that it was written in Domitian's
time. For it is plain, not only from chap. i. 9, which I
touched upon before, but from the strain of all the seven
epistles which John writes to the churches of Asia, that
at the time of his being in Patmos, or rather before,

OF ROME PAPAL. 153

there had been a severe persecution upon them. There
fore he tells the church of Ephesus, that she had laboured
and endured, and had not fainted under the troubles that
had come upon her. (chap. ii. 2.) And so the Christians
of Smyrna are told of their tribulation, and exhorted
not to fear imprisonment or any thing they should suffer,
(ver. 9, 10.) This being added, that they must expect
tribulation for ten days ; which, by the way, is no incon
siderable hint, seeing the persecution of Domitian, from
the first beginning of it, lasted about ten years, which in
the dialect of St. John, are called days. I might men
tion many other things, but this is plain, that the church
was under persecution every where at that time, if it were
only from these and the like expressions, " Be thou faith
ful unto the death," and " To him that overcometh," &c.
And besides all these things, mention is made of an
eminent martyr of the church of Pergamos (chap. ii. 13),
whose name was Antipas. For the apostle John, or
rather Christ, is so express in relating this, that we may
deny any thing in the Bible, if we deny this matter of
fact. I am not concerned here with the allegories some
fanciful men make upon this name, when they tell us
that it signifies as much as Antipater or Antipapa;
nor have I any thing to do with the stories that later
authors tell us of him, as of his being bishop of Pergamos,
and of his being burnt in a brazen bull, with other
circumstantial matters relating to his person or death.
Let Aretha, therefore, Metaphrastes, Cedrenus, Pererius,
Surius, Baronius, Cornelius a Lapide, and a thousand
more, be supposed to mistake in their relating this
story ; yet no man shall ever make me disbelieve what
St. John says of this matter. And I must have further
proof, than ever I expect to receive, before I can believe
that all these authors are mistaken, as to the foundation
of their relation ; when they unanimously tell us, that
this martyr suffered in the reign of Domitian.

154 THE RISE AND FALL

And now I suppose I have said enough to prove that
John was not in Patmos before the reign of Domitian.
And if so, the foundation of G-rotius and his followers
falls to the ground. So that these corollaries must
naturally follow from what has been said, and remain as
certain truths :

1st. Corol. The visions of the Apocalypse relate
neither to the Eomish nor Jewish state, before
the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus.

2nd Corol. The Eevelation relates to the church and
her adversaries, as to those things that were to
fall out after the eversion of the Jewish state.

Now, before I proceed, I must desire the reader to ob
serve the distribution, which Christ himself makes of the
subjects treated of in this book (chap. i. 19), when he
commands John, saying, Ygapov a s/de$ 9 xa/ a g/ov, xa/
a f^sX\si yivsffdai psra raura ; i. e. " Write the things
which thou hast seen, and the things which are, and the
things which shall be hereafter." Where it is plain,
three things are distinguished. 1. The things which
John had seen, viz., the emblems, figures, or hierogly-
phical representations, that had been presented to his
eyes or imagination, from ver. 12 to 19. Then, 2. The
things which were existent and in being at the time
when John was in Patmos, viz. the churches planted by
the apostles, particularly the seven Asiatic ones, to which
John had a peculiar relation, and to which he was
ordered to direct seven epistles. And then, 3. The
things which were to fall out hereafter, viz., the pro
phetical part of the book, beginning with the fourth
chapter ; as is plain from the first verse thereof. Where,
after John had written what related to both the former
heads, he tells, that he heard a voice like the voice
of a trumpet, talking with him, and commanding him
now to begin and write the things which he was to show
him, and represent to him emblematically, which were

OF HOME PAPAL. 155

to be para, ravra, after the expiration of the things men
tioned before, which were then said to exist viz., the
then present circumstances of the Asiatic churches.

So that this is a sufficient answer to those that object
that this book cannot be supposed to contain a prophecy
of the state of the church for any long time, seeing it is
said, that the things prophesied of in the Revelation must
shortly come to pass (chap. i. ver. 1). For seeing we have
a double explication of this expression, (viz., chap. i. ver.
19, and chap. iv. ver. 1 ;) I ask whether we are to stick
so to the letter of the first short proposition, as to reject
the explication given of it in the following places. It
was very proper indeed, when some things in this book
did concern the then present state of the church, and
some other things that did relate to the future condition
of it, to say, as in chap. i. ver. 1, that the prophecy re
lated to things that were shortly to come to pass ; because
not only were those things to be soon fulfilled that con
cerned the churches of Asia at that time ; but the other
things were then also to enter upon their begun accom
plishment. But that we might not imagine that the
whole of this book was to be accomplished shortly, we
are told, (chap. i. ver. 19, and chap. iv. verse 1,) that
what related to future time, was to be accomplished and
fall out afterwards. And that accordingly we might see
the full extent of this prophecy, we are led down from
scene to scene, till we are brought to the end and con
summation of all things at last. And now seeing we
have proved that this book was written after the de
struction of Jerusalem, we must desire our antagonists to
find out something else, to which they can accommodate
all the figures of the Revelation, before we quit our in
terpretation, merely because they dislike it, though they
can offer us nothing in the room of the same. So that
until they be able to enlighten our minds with another
scheme than that of Grotius, which we have sufficiently,
though briefly refuted ; I must be bold to lay down this

156 THE RISE AND FALL

further Corollary, which is the same with our first postu-
latum in the preceding discourse.

3d Corol. That the Kevelation contains the series of
all the remarkable events and changes of the
state of the Christian Church to the end of the
world.

And the distribution of this book, into the three parts
I have mentioned, lays a sufficient foundation for ano -
ther proposition also.

3d Proposition. The seven epistles directed to as
many churches in the lesser Asia, do not immedi
ately relate to the Christian Church in general,
and therefore cannot be interpreted prophetically,
in any proper sense, as if they did denote so many
periods of time in relation to it.

I might demonstrate this, were it needful. But seeing
it makes nothing for my design, which way soever men
understand it, I shall say nothing to it now : especially
because the learned Witsius, my professor and master
formerly, has sufficiently demonstrated what I assert in
this proposition, in his " Diatribe de septem Epistolarum
Apocalypticarum sensu Historico et Prophetico," pub
lished in his "Miscellanea Sacra."

And neither have I time to prove other propositions,
that might appear more necessary ; only seeing the key
of interpreting the Apocalypse, which the angel gives
John (chap, xvii.) is so very plain, I cannot but build
another proposition upon it.

4th Proposition. Babylon the Great, or the Apoca
lyptical beast, taken in a general sense, as it is
represented, with its seven heads, and ten horns,
is no other than an emblem of the Roman empire.
For besides that Dr. Cressener, and others, have proved
this, the text itself is demonstration enough to all those
that will be at pains, attentively and impartially, to con
sider it. For seeing the angel does expressly say, that

OF HOME PAPAL. 157

by this was meant the seven-hilled city, (xvii. 9,) and the
city that then did reign over the kings of the earth, (ver.
18,) I cannot imagine what he could have said more
plainly upon this head.

But seeing he represents the empire, under the pecu
liar consideration, of its being governed by a woman,
who is called the great whore, or adulteress ; therefore,
this a foundation for another proposition.

5th Proposition. The seven-headed beast, especially
considered, as it is represented as rid upon by the
whore, doth represent Eome to us as it is under
the ecclesiastical government of the papacy, or
apostate church of Rome.

This the angel does sufficiently insinuate, (chap. xvii.
ver. 8,) when he says, " The beast which thou sawest,
was, and yet is not at this time," i. e. that beast is indeed
the same Eoman empire that was before, and was re
presented to thee. (chap. xiii. ver. 1.) But it is not yet,
in another sense viz., as now thou beholdest it under
the rule of a whore, or the apostate church of Rome.
For this last ecclesiastical form of government is not yet
come, but it is to come (when it ariseth) out of the
bottomless pit, in order to go thither again, into endless
perdition.

And if this be once granted, then that will naturally
follow, which I am to represent as another proposition.
6th Proposition. The seven kings represented by the
seven heads of the beast, are no other than the
seven forms of supreme government, that did suc
cessively obtain among the Romans.
This the angel doth likewise sufficiently insinuate,
(ver. 10,) which can never be understood of particular
emperors, at least not of those Grotius fixed upon, whose
opinion this way we have already refuted. And there
fore, seeing five of the forms of the Roman government
were fallen in John's time viz. Kings, Consuls, Dictators,

158 THE RISE AND FALL

Decemvirs and Military Tribunes (as Tacitus reckons
them, Annal. lib. i. section 2) ; and seeing the imperial
authority was that which was in being then, we have no
reason to quit so plain and exact an interpretation, until
more be said against it, than ever has been yet produced
to the world.

And were it not that I am confined so much now, both
as to time, and lest this postscript should swell to an
enormous bulk, I should not fear to attempt the demon
stration of these last propositions, and to proceed to others
that would lay a further and more strong foundation still,
of that method of interpreting the Eevelation, which the
generality of protestants are agreed in. But I hope I
have said enough for this place, to secure the principles
I go upon, by which the things which I proposed at first
as postulata, are, I think, sufficiently proved. And see
ing my principal design in writing this postscript, was to
refute the hypothesis that Grotius and Hammond go
upon : I leave it to the candid and impartial thoughts of
the reader, whether I have not said enough to prove it
to be altogether precarious.

And now seeing every one must see how much I have
been straitened, both as to time and paper, in this post
script, I hope the reader will pass the more favourable
construction on what defects he may observe in my per
formance, either as to matter, method, or the calculations
of time, which I have run upon ; in which, if there be any
thing obscure or confused, the study of brevity and dis
patch has occasioned it. But since I have advanced
nothing, in relation to future time, but by way of con
jecture, nor indeed asserted any thing (in relation to the
part of the prophecy which is fulfilled) dogmatically and
positively, but only proposed my thoughts, after the
manner of a rational probability ; I suppose no man will
think it worth his while to make a noise about little mis
takes, that perhaps I may have been guilty of, through

OF ROME PAPAL. 159

haste or inadvertency. But if' any person shall take oc
casion, from what I have said, to study the Apocalypse
to better advantage than I have attained to do, and shall
give the world a better built, and more clearly connected
scheme of the visions of this book ; I assure him that
none shall more rejoice in such a performance than I,
and I shall be one of the first to return him thanks for
refuting me. For truth is all I seek after, and that it
may ever, and in ah 1 respects prevail, is, and shall be my
constant prayer and study.

Luntley & Eason, Printers, New Broad Street Court, London.